long answer

  • Describe three key features of the Enlightenment? Then, drawing from the lecture slides and/or readings, provide three reasons for how and why anthropology has been described as an enlightenment discipline? You may draw from lecture materials and/or weekly readings to answer this question.

 Three key features of enlightenment are, shift toward reason and observation, concept of universal humanity, exploration of human dignity and rights. Three reasons for how and why anthropology has been described as an enlightenment discipline is because one, the historical and geographical roots of modern anthropology can be traced back to Europe during the “Age of Enlightenment” (1685-1815, roughly). Anthropology has been described as an Enlightenment discipline for several reasons. First, its historical and geographical roots can be traced back to the Age of Enlightenment (1685-1815), which greatly influenced its foundational ideas concerning the nature of humanity, reason, and cultural diversity. Enlightenment thinkers sought to understand humanity through empirical observation and rational analysis, thus shaping early anthropological discourse. Second, the concept of universal humanity emerged during this period, positing that all individuals belong to a single species. Anthropologists like Franz Boas embraced this perspective, emphasizing that human diversity should be understood through geographical and cultural differences, rather than through a hierarchy of cultures. Lastly, the Enlightenment spurred the exploration of human and cultural diversity, inspiring anthropologists to document and analyze a wide array of human experiences and cultural practices, which aligned with the period's values of exploration and the understanding of the ‘other.’ These foundations solidified anthropology’s role as a discipline rooted in Enlightenment ideals, focused on a comprehensive examination of human life in all its complexities.

  • Why has anthropology been described as a colonial discipline? Provide three reasons and/or examples. Your reasons/examples must draw from each of the following sources: I) The lecture slides from week 2, II) Talal Asad’s “Introduction” in Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter,  and III) Edward Said’s “Representing the Colonized: Anthropology’s Interlocutors”

 Anthropology has been described as a colonial discipline because, one (study of the Exotic ‘other’) anthropology emerged in a context of colonial expansion, where it primarily focused on studying non-western societies, often referred to as the “exotic other.” Anthropologists called themselves as objective observers, but their work frequently reflected and reinforced colonial views of superiority over the cultures they studied, positioning European civilization as the normative standard. Second, many early anthropologists served as advisors or agents for colonial governments, providing insights and data that facilitated the governance and control of colonized populations. This collaboration helped legitimize colonial rule under the guise of ‘understanding’ and civilizing mission, as anthropologists found knowledge that could support colonialist agendas. Lastly, anthropology historically claimed a stance of objectivity in its research processes, despite the inherent power imbalances between the anthropologist and the studied subjects (colonized people). This objectivity was used to justify the extraction and categorization of cultural knowledge, reinforcing stereotypes and justifying colonial ideologies, while often ignoring the voices of perspectives of the communities.   

  • B. Tyler and Lewis Henry Morgan were both proponents of cultural evolution, although each had their own distinct version. Begin your response to this question by generally defining “cultural evolution” based on the lecture notes for week 4. Then, draw from the lecture slides + readings by Tyler and Morgan assigned in week 4, to describe what Tyler and Morgan’s versions of cultural evolution entailed.

Cultural evolution is a theory for understanding the developmental history of humanity, positing that societies progress through fixed stages from 'savagery' to 'civilization. This concept suggests that all cultures are evolving, albeit at different paces, towards a higher form of social organization and technological advancement.

E.B. Tylor's version of cultural evolution, outlined in his work 'Primitive Culture' (1871), introduced the concept of unilineal evolution, which suggests that cultures progress through predetermined stages: savagery, barbarism, and civilization. He emphasized that some cultural elements, termed 'cultural survivals, persist even in modern societies and that magic and superstition can evolve into more rational beliefs.

Lewis Henry Morgan, in his work 'Ancient Society' (1877), shared similar unilineal assumptions but expanded on Tylor's model by subdividing stages of development into lower, middle, and upper categories for both savagery and barbarism. Morgan focused on technological development as the main driver of social progress, identifying key institutions such as family structures, property relations, and governance as integral to this evolution. His research on the Iroquois also illustrated the variations in societal development, suggesting a more complex understanding of cultural evolution that still adhered to the hierarchy of civilization.

  • What is cultural relativism? Please answer this question by describing at least three aspects of cultural relativism. Then, after you have defined cultural relativism, please provide two examples of critiques of relativism. (you can draw on the lecture notes, or specific readings, like Abu Lughod and Geertz, to answer this question).

 Cultural relativism is an anthropological perspective that emphasizes understanding cultures on their own terms, without imposing external cultural standards. It encompasses three key aspects: firstly, it advocates for a non-judgmental approach, meaning cultural practices should be evaluated within their own contexts to foster empathy and understanding. Secondly, cultural relativism highlights the importance of contextual understanding, asserting that each culture has unique values, beliefs, and practices shaped by specific historical and social circumstances. Lastly, it encourages the recognition of diversity, recognizing that behaviors considered 'strange' in one culture may be viewed as normal in another.

However, cultural relativism has faced critiques. One criticism is that it may hinder the condemnation of harmful practices violating human rights, as certain culturally accepted actions might evade moral scrutiny. Another critique suggests that it risks leading to moral nihilism, where any cultural practice can be justified regardless of its ethical implications, raising concerns about

  • What is the reflexive turn in anthropology? Answer this question by locating the reflexive turn historically and philosophically. Please describe three central concerns/aims of the reflexive turn in your response. Finish this question by describe one critique of the reflexive turn. (You can draw on the lecture slides for week 6 as well as the readings to answer this question).

 The Reflexive Turn in Anthropology denotes a significant shift in the discipline from the 1970s, reflecting a critical awareness of the anthropologist's role, biases, and positionality. Historically, this movement emerged in response to the recognition of anthropology's ties to colonialism and the Eurocentric perspectives that often dominated the field. Philosophically, it aligns with postcolonial thought, prompting anthropologists to question how power dynamics inform the knowledge produced about different cultures.

Three primary aims of the Reflexive Turn include: (1) Researcher's Identity and Reflexivity, which involves examining how the researchers' backgrounds influence their work; (2) a Critique of Colonialism, where anthropologists confront the legacy of colonialism in their research and challenge power imbalances; and (3) the Impact on Ethnographic Writing, emphasizing the importance of understanding how cultural knowledge is created and shaped by the anthropologist's own perspective.

However, a notable critique of the Reflexive Turn is the concern that heightened self-reflection may lead to inaction, possibly causing anthropologists to disengage from addressing real issues affecting the communities they study, resulting in a lack of meaningful contributions to those cultures.

  • In week 6, you read Talal Asad’s essay on “cultural translation,” as well as excerpts from Harry West’s book Ethnographic Sorcery. This question asks you to identify how Asad’s concept of cultural translation can be read in the work of Harry West. You will answer this question in two steps. First, by describing Asad’s critique of “cultural translation” (read: how Asad defines the concept of cultural translation and why he sees it as a problem in anthropology). Second,  by providing two examples of how the problem of cultural translation is raised in and through Harry West’s ethnography. 

Talal Asad critiques the concept of "cultural translation" in anthropology, suggesting that it is often understood too simplistically as a straightforward transfer of meaning from one culture to another. Asad argues that this perspective ignores the complexities involved in cultural interactions, particularly the power dynamics and historical contexts that shape these processes. He highlights how cultural translation can lead to oversimplification of cultural nuances and obscure the inherent power imbalances that exist between cultures. Furthermore, he stresses that this approach can neglect the deep historical and socio-political contexts that inform cultural meanings.

In the work of Harry West, Asad's critique is evident in the way West addresses the problems associated with cultural translation in his ethnographic studies. One example is West's exploration of how cultural meanings can become distorted or lost when different cultural groups interact. He illustrates instances where local practices are misinterpreted by outsiders based on their cultural biases, resulting in a skewed understanding of the original meanings.

This dynamic underscores Asad's concern regarding the simplification of culture through translation.

Another example from West's work involves the commodification of traditional practices in global markets. He critiques how certain cultural expressions are translated into market language, losing their contextual significance in the process. This commodification reflects Asad's warning of how cultural translation can strip practices of their original meanings, reducing rich cultural expressions to mere products. Thus, West's ethnography highlights the challenges and implications of cultural translation, reinforcing Asad's critique of the concept within the framework of anthropology.