Recent decades in the United States have seen Congress repeatedly stall on comprehensive immigration reform. In the policy vacuum, localities—especially rural towns and first-ring suburbs—have attempted to regulate immigration themselves. Suburbs once built as homogeneous, single-family enclaves now host sizable foreign-born populations. Scholars call these places “ethnoburbs” (Li) or “melting-pot suburbs” (Frey). When local governments feel overburdened by linguistic, educational, health-care, or policing adjustments, they sometimes innovate inclusionary programs—but many pass exclusionary ordinances aimed at housing, employment, driver’s licenses, or police cooperation with federal immigration authorities.
• Founded 1841 on Peters Colony land grant; incorporated 1946 (pop. \approx 800).
• Served as early Dallas County hub for cotton, milling, rail service (Dallas–Wichita line).
• Post-WWII suburban boom raised population from 13{,}441\ (1960) to 27{,}492\ (1970).
• Latino presence first quantified in 1970 census ( 320 “Spanish-surname” residents).
Census Year | Total Pop. | Hispanic / Latino | % Foreign-Born |
---|---|---|---|
1970 | 27{,}492 | 320\ (1.2\%) | 1.6\% |
1980 | 24{,}863 | 1{,}930\ (7.8\%) | 5.2\% |
1990 | 24{,}250 | 4{,}895\ (20.2\%) | 13.6\% |
2000 | 27{,}508 | 10{,}241\ (37.2\%) | 25.1\% |
2005!–!07 | 27{,}750 | 12{,}959\ (46.7\%) | 28.4\% |
Key contrasts by 2000: | |||
• 65\% of Whites > 35 yrs vs. 27\% of Hispanics. | |||
• 37\% of Hispanics < 17 yrs vs. 18\% of Whites. |
Proportion of renter-occupied units rose from 7\%\ (1960) to 31\%\ (2000), signaling conversion of 1950s–60s starter homes into low-cost rentals. Median home values (inflation-adjusted 2008 dollars) climbed in 1970–80 but fell afterward, ending near 1960 levels ( \$130{,}974\,\text{in}\ 2000). Median household income (real 2008 dollars) slipped from \$76{,}453\ (1970) to \$72{,}265\ (2000). Residents interpreted flat equity and rising rental density as threats to middle-class security.
August 2006: Councilman Tim O’Hare proposes English-only directive, police participation in 287\,(g) program, and—most controversially—an ordinance (2903) requiring landlords to verify tenants’ legal status.
November 2006: Ordinance 2903 passes unanimously; lawsuits filed by LULAC, La Raza, and apartment owners; petitions force citywide referendum.
May 2007: Voter turnout 43\%; ordinance upheld 2{:}1 but immediately enjoined by Federal Judge Sam Lindsay.
January 2008: Substitute ordinance 2952 (occupancy license cross-checked with federal database) drafted.
2008!–!09: ACLU & MALDEF sue over open-meeting violations; city suspends enforcement, focuses resources on defending 2952; legal fees exceed \$1.5 million, forcing use of reserves.
Using Sherry Ortner’s idea of class as a lived “project,” Farmers Branch’s White middle class sought to “keep” status through spatial symbols:
• Single-family homes signify respectability; multiple unrelated adults & many vehicles on lawns violate suburban aesthetics.
• Bright “non-Anglo” exterior paint, Spanish-language billboard for remittances, or a potential Carnival Hispanic grocery evoke “distaste” (Bourdieu’s notion of taste as social distinction).
• Blog rhetoric links overcrowding to “people who don’t value education” or “don’t mow lawns,” feeding a moral geography of inclusion/exclusion.
Rule of Law, elevated in post-9/11 national discourse, becomes a badge of authentic Americanness. Local bloggers reframe undocumented presence as criminal invasion:
• \text{Illegal} = \text{criminal} narrative conflates civil misdemeanour ( 8\,\text{U.S.C.}\ §1325 ) with felonies such as identity theft or violence.
• Assertions like “We are a law-abiding society; illegals are invaders” weaponize legality to exclude and morally delegitimize immigrants.
• The principle enables local ordinances that attempt to legislate lifestyle (quiet streets, English-only signage) under the guise of law enforcement.
• San Francisco’s 1870–73 anti-Chinese laws (Sidewalk, Cubic Air, “Pigtail” ordinances) illustrate earlier municipal exclusion.
• Hazleton, PA, Winchester VA, and Prince William County VA follow similar suburban crackdown pathways.
• Contrast: Plano, TX—wealthier suburb with 21.2\% foreign-born ( 2005–07 )—adopts inclusionary, multicultural policies, suggesting economic resources and upper-middle-class confidence mitigate backlash.
1841 Peters Colony settlement.
1946 Incorporation of Farmers Branch.
1970 First census count of Latino residents.
Aug 2006 City council debates anti-immigrant ordinances.
Nov 2006 Ordinance 2903 (rental ban) adopted.
May 2007 Referendum passes, federal injunction follows.
Jan 2008 Substitute ordinance 2952 introduced.
May 2008 Permanent injunction on 2903; O’Hare elected mayor.
Sep 2008 Further suits; city agrees to fast-track trial.
Jan 2009 Legal costs > \$1.5 million; city taps reserves.
• Pierre Bourdieu—habitus, taste, distinction.
• Sherry Ortner—class as cultural project.
• Thomas Espenshade—symbolic politics hypothesis.
• Michael Alexander—host-stranger relations.
• Leo Chávez—“Latino Threat Narrative.”
• Sally Merry—criminalization of everyday life.
• Decline of middle-income neighborhoods nationally: 58\% \rightarrow 41\% (1970–2000).
• In Dallas PMSA, only 31\% of neighborhoods middle-income; 39\% low-income (Galster et al.).
• Housing value change (real 2008 dollars): V{1980}=\$170{,}578\,,\ V{2000}=\$130{,}974 \Longrightarrow \Delta V = -\$39{,}604.
Anti-immigrant ordinances are not solely about race; they are defenses of threatened middle-class status.
Federal inaction pushes cash-strapped municipalities into costly, symbolic legal battles.
Comprehensive reform should integrate federal funding for local schools, libraries, and outreach, turning potential exclusion into inclusive capacity-building.
Education on U.S. historical adaptability to diversity can mitigate cultural fears.
Policymakers must balance the “pluribus” with the “unum” (Papademetriou): preserve a shared civic identity while embracing demographic change.
Farmers Branch illustrates how demographic change collides with economic stagnation to spark suburban nativism. Home values, school quality, and neighborhood aesthetics crystallize deeper anxieties about belonging and identity. When the “Rule of Law” becomes a cultural boundary marker, municipal governments risk expensive legal defeats and fractured communities. The case underscores the urgency of pairing federal immigration reform with robust, well-funded local integration strategies that reassure longtime residents while empowering newcomers to contribute visibly to a renewed—rather than threatened—middle-class American dream.