Nickname: "Land of a Thousand Hills"
Rugged topography of rolling hills and volcanic mountains
High average altitude (most of the country sits above 1\,000\text{ m})
Land-locked: No direct access to the sea
Neighbouring states
North – Uganda
East – Tanzania
South – Burundi
West – Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)
Climate & natural attractions
Equatorial yet moderated by altitude → mild temperatures
National parks (Volcanoes, Akagera, Nyungwe) drive eco-tourism
Strategic constraints
Reliance on neighbouring ports (Dar es Salaam, Mombasa) for imports/exports
Vulnerable to external political shifts
Population
1994 (year of genocide): \approx 7.2\text{ million}
2022 estimate: \approx 13.8\text{ million} (almost double)
Drivers of change
High fertility rate post-1994
Gradual return of refugees (Tutsi diaspora & Hutu civilians)
Improved child-survival rates through public-health campaigns
Highly centralised monarchy ruled by Tutsi Mwami (king)
Social categories existed but were fluid; identity based more on cattle-ownership & patron-client ties than biology
Indigenous groups
Tutsi (cattle-herders)
Hutu (farmers)
Twa (hunter-gatherers, <1 %)
Relative coexistence; warfare focused on tribute, not extermination
Germany (1884-1916)
Indirect rule: kept Tutsi monarchy in place
Began racialised ethnography (Hamitic myth)
Belgium (1916-1962)
League-of-Nations mandate → UN trusteeship
Intensified ethnic classification
1933 identity cards marked “Hutu”, “Tutsi”, “Twa”
Tutsis promoted as natural aristocracy → administrative posts & education
Forced labour & cash-crop economy (coffee)
“Divide-and-rule” ensured minority loyalty while alienating majority Hutu
Long-term colonial legacies
Racial essentialism replaces fluid social categories
Quota systems (13 % Tutsi cap in schools / civil service) sow resentment
Cash-crop dependence → vulnerability to price shocks
Colonial
Coffee & tea plantations; subsistence agriculture remained dominant
Limited industrialisation; infrastructure built to extract, not develop
Post-independence
1970s: coffee boom finances public spending under President Habyarimana
1980s: global price collapse → fiscal crisis, IMF structural adjustment
GDP (current ) & ranking
1994: \approx\,\$1.35\text{ billion}; per-capita \approx\,\$190 (bottom quintile globally)
2022: \approx\,\$11.1\text{ billion}; per-capita \approx\,\$799; World Bank ranking ~146/190 by size, but among top 10 fastest-growing (( >\,7\%) pre-COVID)
1962 – 1973: President Grégoire Kayibanda (Hutu)
One-party state (PARMEHUTU)
Maintained ethnic quotas; anti-Tutsi violence (1963, 1973)
1973 Coup: Maj. Juvénal Habyarimana (Hutu)
Dictatorship under MRND party
“Second Republic”; promises unity yet retains quotas
1980s economic downturn undermines legitimacy
1990–1993 Civil War
Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF: mainly exiled Tutsis) invades from Uganda
Arusha Accords (1993): power-sharing plan; extremists feel threatened
1994 Genocide & RPF military victory
2000-present: Paul Kagame (RPF)
Elected 2003, 2010, 2017 after constitutional changes
Hard-line stance on "divisionism"; rapid socio-economic reforms
Belgian racial science: Tutsi "more European" → privileged
Identity card made ethnicity fixed & inheritable
Post-1994 constitution bans ethnic labelling; today citizens officially "Rwandan" only
1959 "Social Revolution": Tutsi king overthrown, \sim 200\,000 Tutsi flee
Periodic pogroms (1963, 1973) keep refugees in exile
Exiles organise militarily → RPF
1990 invasion sparks civil war, displacement, radical Hutu propaganda
Extremist network "akazu" (inner circle around First Lady Agathe Habyarimana) plans "zero Tutsi"
Interahamwe (“those who fight together”): MRND youth militia
Provided jobs, land, sense of purpose; mass-recruited 1992-94
Hutu Power media
Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) → labelled Tutsi “inyenzi” (cockroaches)
Kangura newspaper
Hutu businessmen import 500\,000 machetes (1993–94)
6 April 1994: Presidential plane (Habyarimana & Burundi pres. Ntaryamira) shot down near Kigali
Responsibility disputed (hard-line Hutu or RPF)
Trigger used to launch coordinated extermination plan
6 Apr 1994 – official start; roadblocks erected
7 Apr – PM Agathe Uwilingiyimana & UN peacekeepers killed; 10 Belgian soldiers murdered → foreign withdrawal
19 Apr – Human Rights Watch: >100\,000 dead
21 Apr – UN Security Council cuts UNAMIR from 2,548 to 270 troops
28 Apr – Oxfam counts 500\,000 victims
22 Jun – UNSC authorises French Opération Turquoise (safe zones)
15 Jul – RPF captures Kigali; \sim 2\,000\,000 Hutus flee to Zaire/Tanzania
Early Aug – fighting ends after 100 days
Duration: 100\text{ days}
Dead: 800,000 (est.) – 1,074,017 (Rwandan govt figure)
Rate: \approx 6 murders/minute, 24/7 for >3 months
Sexual violence
250\,000 – 500\,000 women raped
20\,000 children born of rape
70\% of assaulted women later HIV+
Children
75,000 orphans
Accountability
120,000 suspects detained post-1994
UN formed 1945; mandate: peace, security, human rights
Veto powers (P5): USA, UK, France, Russia, China
Membership: states apply & are voted in (not automatic, but nearly universal)
R2P (Responsibility to Protect, 2005): duty to stop mass-atrocity crimes
UNGA vs UNSC
GA = all members, non-binding resolutions
SC = 15 members, binding; P5 veto
Rwanda-specific failures
Gen. Roméo Dallaire (UNAMIR) warnings ignored; requests for 5,000 troops denied
Reluctance to label events "genocide" (would trigger Genocide Convention obligations)
U.S. internal memo: “genocide‐like acts” euphemism
No state offered large-scale refuge
2014 UN statement: “We failed the Rwandan people”
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR)
1994–2005 (trials ran to 2015)
93 indicted, 61 convicted
Precedent: recognised rape as act of genocide; first conviction of media executives
Cost \$2\text{ billion}, 6 fugitives remain
Gacaca community courts (2007-2012)
>12,000 local courts; 1.2\text{ million}$$ cases
Aimed at restorative justice & truth-telling; reduced prison overcrowding
Criticisms: due-process gaps, intimidation, RPF crimes largely excluded
France
Armed & trained FAR (Forces Armées Rwandaises) pre-94
Opération Turquoise created safe zone but allowed génocidaires to flee
Macron 2021: “Overwhelming responsibilities” acknowledged
Agathe Habyarimana
Head of akazu; major Hutu Power ideologue
Lived in France; never prosecuted despite 13-year investigation
Symbol of impunity & judicial inertia
RPF leader; President (2000–present)
Policies
Zero-tolerance for ethnic politics; “unity & reconciliation”
Rapid economic growth (Vision 2020/2050)
Critiques: shrinking political space, media restrictions
Bandwagon: “All Hutus must participate”
Repetition: constant RTLM broadcasts
Personal pronouns: “We Hutu”, “You patriots”
Identifying common enemy: Tutsi = cockroach
Guilt / emotive language to spur violence
Use of respected figures (priests, local leaders) & youth militias
Genocide can unfold rapidly when ideology, organisation & impunity align
Early warnings ignored → need robust R2P mechanisms
Justice must balance retribution & reconciliation
Darfur cartoon (source not shown) parallels: world watching another atrocity; symbolism of vultures/UN helmets often used to critique inertia
Questions of bystander responsibility: "How many acts of genocide does it take…"
Structural vs individual guilt: planners vs ordinary participants
Memory politics: official narrative emphasises Tutsi victimhood; space for Hutu suffering?
1884 Berlin Conference → German East Africa
1916 Belgian occupation
1933 ethnic ID cards
1959 Social Revolution
1962 Independence
1973 Habyarimana coup
1990 RPF invasion
6 Apr 1994 plane crash → genocide
15 Jul 1994 Kigali falls to RPF
1994 – 2015 ICTR
2007 – 2012 gacaca courts