Chapter 9: Voting and Political Participation in Texas

Defining Political Participation and the Nature of Political Power

  • The Essence of Democracy: A hallmark of democratic governance is the ability of citizens to participate in politics. While voting is the primary and most visible method of participating in collective governance, it is only one of multiple ways citizens interact with the public square.
  • Aristotle’s Perspective: The ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle famously argued that humans are naturally "political animals," suggesting that the drive to organize and govern is innate. However, the text notes that current participation rates in state and local politics in Texas and across the United States suggest this might be an optimistic view, as many individuals do not actively engage.
  • The Definition of Political Power: In a democracy, political power is the capacity for the people to influence the government to act according to their preferences. This power is shared and contested among various actors, including politicians, political parties, and interest groups.
  • Six Types of Political Power:
    • Numbers: Expressed through collective action where many participants desire the same outcome (e.g., a new law). Numbers serve as a multiplier for other forms of power.
    • Wealth: Influence exerted through campaign contributions and the socioeconomic advantages that enable participation.
    • Social Norms: The power to change government behavior by challenging established societal standards.
    • Ideas: Educating the public and using teachings to frame problems and solutions.
    • Force and Violence: Aggression or the brandishing of weapons (force) and physical harm (violence). While used to achieve ends, they are generally not considered constructive in a democracy and are viewed as undemocratic when used by the government.
    • Government Actions: The use of laws and regulations by the state to compel certain behaviors.
  • Individual vs. Collective Power: Many individuals feel powerless, believing their single vote or signature is negligible. However, in a democracy, the "power of numbers" is achieved by aggregating millions of individual votes or thousands of marchers into a collective force that interest groups and parties recognize as "voting blocs."

Non-Electoral and Online Participation

  • Forms of Participation Beyond Voting: Political participation refers to any activity related to governance. Table 9.19.1 (sourced from the Annenberg Public Policy Institute’s 20182018 Texas Civic Health Index) identifies common non-electoral behaviors among Texans:
    • Contacting public officials.
    • Signing petitions.
    • Attending rallies or protests.
    • Donating to campaigns.
  • Digital Engagement: The COVID−19COVID-19 pandemic accelerated online political engagement. A 20222022 Pew Research Center survey found:
    • 36%36\% of Americans supported a campaign on social media during the 20202020 election.
    • 10%10\% attended online political rallies or campaign events.
  • Slacktivism: Passive forms of online advocacy (e.g., social media likes or shares) are often derisively termed "slacktivism" or "armchair activism" because they require low effort and may have limited political impact.
  • Categorizing Participants: In their book Participation in America, Sydney Verba and Norman H. Nie categorize citizens into six groups based on intensity and type of involvement:
    • Inactives: Take no part in politics.
    • Voting Specialists: Limit their participation exclusively to voting.
    • Parochial Participants: Become active only when an issue has a direct, personal effect on them.
    • Campaigners: Enjoy the competitive, controversial nature of political campaigns.
    • Communalists: Active voters who prefer non-partisan, non-controversial community activity over partisan conflict.
    • Complete Activists: Involved in all levels of activity, including voting, campaigning, lobbying, and community affairs.

Voting Requirements and Registration in Texas

  • Legal Protections: The U.S. Constitution prohibits the denial of the right to vote based on race, ethnicity, gender, sex, age (for those 1818 or older), or failure to pay a poll tax.
  • Eligibility in Texas:
    • Must be a United States citizen.
    • Must be at least 1818 years of age.
    • Must be a resident of Texas.
    • Exclusions: Convicted felons currently serving their sentence (including parole/probation) and individuals formally judged as "mentally incompetent" by a court are ineligible.
  • Registration Process:
    • Voter Registration: Defined by the U.S. Census Bureau as the act of qualifying to vote by enrolling on an official list.
    • Deadline: Texas requires registration at least 3030 days prior to an election.
    • Methods: Primarily a paper-based process. Applications are at libraries, post offices, and county offices. They can be requested online but must be mailed or hand-delivered.
    • National Voter Registration Act (19331933): Also known as the "Motor Voter Act," this federal law allows citizens to register or update their address when applying for or renewing a driver’s license.
    • Maintenance: Voters receive a registration card every 22 years. If a card is returned as undeliverable, the voter is removed from the list. Address changes can only be done online if moving within the same county.
  • Voter Identification (Voter ID):
    • Texas requires a government-issued photo ID at the polls even if the voter is on the registration rolls.
    • There are 77 acceptable forms of ID (e.g., driver's license, passport, military ID). Free Election Identification Certificates are provided by the DPS for those without other forms.
    • Reasonable Impediment Declaration: Per a 20162016 court order, voters unable to obtain a photo ID can sign a declaration and provide an alternate form (e.g., birth certificate, utility bill).
    • Provisional Ballots: If a voter lacks ID, they can cast a provisional ballot but must present proper ID to the county registrar within 66 days of the election for the vote to count.

Turnout Trends and Recent Election Data

  • Measuring Turnout:
    • Percentages of Registered Voters: Simple to calculate but distorted by registration laws and "Deadwood" (outdated names on rolls).
    • Voting Age Population (VAP): Everyone 1818 and older. It is the preferred measure for political scientists as it facilitates state-to-state comparisons, despite including ineligible groups like non-citizens and felons.
    • Voting Eligible Population (VEP): Calculated by subtracting ineligible groups (non-citizens, felons) from the VAP. Michael McDonald argues this is the most valid measure.
  • Texas Turnout Statistics:
    • Texas consistently ranks near the bottom (45th45^{th} to 50th50^{th}) in national turnout rankings.
    • 20202020 General Election: 66.73%66.73\% of registered voters participated (11,300,000 people11,300,000\,people). This helped Texas move from 47th47^{th} to 45th45^{th} in the nation.
    • 19921992 Record: The historical peak for Texas turnout is 72.9%72.9\%.
  • Youth Voting:
    • Between the 20142014 and 20182018 midterms, 1818 to 2929-year-olds saw the largest voting increase of any age group.
    • In 20182018, 28%28\% of young adults voted, though this dipped to 23%23\% in 20222022.
    • Young Latinos (18−4918-49) make up 57.9%57.9\% of the Latino electorate, representing a major potential shift in power.
  • The 20242024 Election Cycle:
    • Democratic Primary: Biden won with 84.64%84.64\% of the vote, but less than 1,000,0001,000,000 votes were cast, down from over 2,000,0002,000,000 in 20202020.
    • Republican Primary: Trump won with 77.8%77.8\% of the vote, with over 2,300,0002,300,000 votes cast.
    • General Election: Trump defeated Harris in Texas by over 1313 points, making significant gains among Latino men and carrying the majority of border counties.

Historical Barriers: Jim Crow and Restricted Access

  • The Legacy of Exclusion: Texas has utilized various "Jim Crow" laws to maintain a traditionalistic political culture and exclude racial/ethnic minorities and low-income whites.
  • The Poll Tax (19021902):
    • A requirement to pay a tax ($1.75\$1.75) to vote, targeting the Populist movement and minorities.
    • Abolihed for federal elections by the 24th24^{th} Amendment (19641964) and for state elections by the U.S. Supreme Court in 19661966.
    • After its removal, registration jumped by 35%35\% (1,000,000 voters1,000,000\,voters) in the 19681968 cycle.
  • The White Primary:
    • Attempts to exclude Black Americans from Democratic primaries. Initially, the legislature passed laws; later, the party claimed to be a "private organization" to justify exclusion.
    • The Supreme Court finally outlawed white primaries in Smith v. Allwright (19441944), a case originating in Texas.
  • Other Tactics:
    • Annual Registration: Required personal visits to the courthouse between October and January every year. Prohibited in 19711971, leading to a permanent registration system that increased rolls by 20%20\%.
    • Property Ownership Requirements: Used primarily in local bond elections; eliminated in the 1970s1970s.
    • Political Bosses and Machines: In areas like San Antonio, "bosses" manipulated Latino voters by paying their poll taxes in exchange for controlled votes, often enforced by the Texas Rangers or economic threats.
  • Women’s Suffrage: Texas granted women the right to vote in primaries in 19181918 and was the first Southern state to ratify the 19th19^{th} Amendment in 19191919.

Socioeconomic and Demographic Factors

  • Education and Income: Higher educational attainment and higher family income are the strongest predictors of participation. These individuals perceive themselves as having a higher "stake" in outcomes and are more likely to donate.
  • Age Dynamics: Older adults vote at higher rates than young people, as the youth are often more mobile and less connected to local political stakes.
  • Race and the "Latino Vote":
    • Historically, Minority groups have registered and voted in smaller proportions than non-Hispanic Whites, with the exception of Black American turnout in 20122012, which exceeded White turnout.
    • The Gender Gap: In 20242024, Harris carried Latino women (59% to 39%59\%\,to\,39\%) while Latino men split nearly evenly (49% to 48%49\%\,to\,48\%).
    • The "Monolith" Myth: Latino voters in the Rio Grande Valley (Cameron, Hidalgo, Star, Willacy counties) showed significant shifts toward Trump in 20202020 and 20242024, driven partly by self-identification as racially White and "Tejano."

Fraud, Integrity, and SB 1 Controversy

  • Definitions of Misconduct:
    • Voting Fraud: Individual, intentional acts like impersonation or multiple voting. Examples include Manuel Rodriguez III (used grandfather's identity in 20142014) and Francisco Volles (20172017).
    • Electoral Fraud: Systemic, intentional violations involving officials or machines (e.g., ballot harvesting, vote-buying). In Texas, there have been over 100100 convictions since 20052005, but it remains extremely rare relative to the millions of votes cast.
  • Table 9.49.4 Case Studies:
    • 20202020 Brownsville ISD: 2424 ineligible mail-in ballots led to a runoff; no fraud charges mentioned.
    • 20182018 Kaufman County: Provisional ballot mistakes led to a new election; no fraud charged.
    • 20142014 Woodlands Road Utility District: 44 voters convicted of fraud for using an improper address; the only instance of proven intentional fraud in the list.
  • Senate Bill 1 (SB 1) of 20212021:
    • Provisions: Prohibits 2424-hour and drive-thru voting; requires ID (SSN or Driver's License) on mail-in ballot applications and return envelopes; protects "partisan poll watchers."
    • Impact: In the 20222022 primary, Harris County saw a 40%40\% return rate for mail-in ballots due to ID issues. Across 120120 counties, there was a 17%17\% rejection rate (27,000 ballots27,000\,ballots).
    • Equity Concerns: Studies show Black residents in Harris County were 44%44\% more likely to have mail-in ballots rejected under the new laws.
  • Accountability: Complaints move from the County Election Office to the Secretary of State, then to the Attorney General if deemed meritorious.

Competitive and Rationalist Explanations for Turnout

  • Lack of Competition: Texas has been a one-party state for over a century (Democratic until the late 20th20^{th} century, Republican since). Republicans have held all statewide offices from 20022002 through 20242024.
  • Gerrymandering: Drawing district lines for partisan advantage reduces competition. In the 20222022 midterms, only 22 out of 3838 U.S. Congressional seats were won by less than a 10%10\% margin.
  • Institutional Factors:
    • Timing: Midterm turnout is lower than Presidential years. Primary turnout is lower than General elections. Local elections (often in May) have the lowest turnout.
    • Tuesday Voting: Holding elections on a single workday (18451845 tradition) creates barriers compared to European weekend voting.
  • The Paradox of Voting (Rational Choice Theory):
    • Instrumental Rationality: The mathematical probability of one vote being the "decisive" factor in a large election is negligible, making the time-cost of voting seem "irrational."
    • Expressive Value: People vote because it makes them feel good, allows them to express a preference, or fulfills a sense of civic duty (similar to cheering in a stadium).
    • Principled Non-Voters: A small group of citizens who refuse to vote to avoid granting legitimacy to a system they view as illegitimate.

Social Capital and Community Engagement

  • Social Capital: Defined by Robert Putnam in Bowling Alone as the sense of shared purpose and values promoted by social connections. Putnam argues a decline in traditional civic associations (like bowling leagues or churches) has harmed democracy.
  • Evolution of Engagement: Russell Dalton argues that while traditional associations may be in decline, the younger generation is engaging through unconventional forms like protests, boycotts, and online advocacy centered on issues like climate change and gun control.
  • Texas Financial Contributions: In the 20202020 cycle, Texans donated more than $726,000,000\$726,000,000 to candidates and Super PACs. In 20222022, Texas ranked 5th5^{th} in the nation for individual contributions.

Questions & Discussion

  • How can governments provides resources for the AAPI community's 100+ languages? Translation triggers exist when a language group reaches 5%5\% of a jurisdiction's population (19751975 extension of the Voting Rights Act), such as Vietnamese in Dallas County in 20222022.
  • In whose interest are policies made when turnout is low? The text suggests that low turnout leads to "representation bias," where the interests of the numerical minority who participate are prioritized over the non-voting majority.
  • What is the impact of criminalizing voting mistakes? Opponents of strict laws like SB 1 fear that the threat of criminal prosecution for simple administrative errors will further deter participation.
  • Can voting alone enact change? The text asks whether individuals must participate after elections (lobbying, community organizing) to ensure candidates fulfill their promises.