The Sultanate period saw a rich flowering of literature, marked by the introduction of new languages and a remarkable growth in culture and literature.
This period fostered cultural and literary synthesis, evident in the origin and growth of Urdu and the interchange between Persian and Sanskrit.
Regional languages and literature, considerably influenced by Sanskrit and Persian, mirrored the religious, social, and popular attitudes of the period.
Hindi works by Muslim writers like Amir Khusrau and Jayasi, along with Bengali Vaishnavite poems by Bengali Muslims, further highlight this cultural synthesis.
Arabic and Persian Historic Traditions
Arabic, the language of the Islamic world, saw the earliest historical writings of the period written in it.
K.A. Nizami notes that the Arab tradition cherished democratic ideals and treated history as a biography of nations, focusing on the life of the common man rather than just rulers and political events.
Arabic historic tradition encompassed socio-economic, cultural, religious, political, and military events, offering a more democratic approach and representing the 'history of the age'.
The 'chain of narrators' (isnad) was a crucial feature of Arabic historiography.
It evolved from the need to critically sift collected oral traditions to pen down the Holy Quran in its pristine form, ensuring the presentation of the 'most pious Truth'.
Al-Baladuri's (d. 892) Futuh−ulBuldan is a classical example, narrating every event with reference to the chain of narrators and reliable sources.
Al-Masudi (d. 956-57) introduced a new dimension by adding geography to history.
As a great traveler, he incorporated his own experiences and geographical knowledge, correlating geographical facts with human historical developments, applying 'cause and effect' to add 'interpretation' to scientific history.
In the eleventh century, court officers and scholars began writing histories of their rulers, events, which changed the tone and form of Arabic history writing.
This introduced personal biases, jealousies, and preferences of the ruling aristocracy, tilting the focus towards 'court' politics and elites rather than common men.
This is reflected in the writings of Al-Musabbihi (d. 1029; on the history of Egypt) and Al-Qurtubi (d. 1076-77; history of Andulasia [Spain]).
With royal patronage, Arabic histories became more tilted towards dynastic histories, eulogizing their patrons' deeds and incorporating rhetoric, as seen in Al-Utbi's (d. 1035) Tarikh−iYamini, which deals with Subuktigin and Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna.
However, Al-Biruni, though associated with the court, followed the old classic Arabic tradition of history writing.
Ibn Khaldun's (d. 1404) Muqaddimah conceives the dynamism of human society, human associations (ijtima), with emphasis on causality.
He attributes the spirit of solidarity (asbiya) of the clan as the chief factor behind the strength of the rulers/dynasties.
Persian Historiography
Persian historiography narrowed the scope of history, centering around political history and the lives of rulers and nobility rather than a socio-religious history of the age.
Persian histories were dynastic histories, histories of the kings and 'aristocracy'.
Persian historians preferred to dedicate their work to the ruler to enhance the value of their work.
Minhaj-i Siraj Juzjani dedicated his Tabaqat−iNasiri to Nasiruddin Mahmud, and Ziauddin Barani dedicated his Tarikh−iFiruzshahi to Firuz Shah Tughlaq.
Persian histories largely lack discussions on literati, scholars, and saints, generally mentioning them only in the context of rulers.
Minhaj's period was vibrant in Sufi activities of great Chishti and Suhrawardi saints (Muinuddin Chishti, Bakhtiyar Kaki, Hamiduddin Nagori), but they are largely missing from his narrative.
Barani's history, though largely in the Persian historiographic tradition, subtly mentions scholars and Sufis, though occasionally, and even mentions musician-dancers Nusrat Bibi and Mihr Afroz while depicting court life.
Abul Fazl radically modified and combined both Arabic and Persian styles of history writing.
Later, historians generally included narratives of scholars, literati, and Sufis along with political narratives.
The Arabic historic tradition remained prominent until the tenth century, after which the Persian renaissance under Firdausi and Shaikh Sa'di Shirazi gradually took over and became the vehicle of communication for Sultans, nobles, and literati.
In India, it was the Persian historic tradition that dominated the Persian writings.
Chachnama, focusing on Muhammad bin Qasim's India (particularly Sindh), and Al- Biruni's Kitab−ulHind were written in the Arabic style.
Hasan Nizami, when asked to compose in Persian (Taj−ulMa′asir), felt disappointed, considering Arabic the only proper language to write in.
Political Chronicles: Delhi Sultanate
Contemporary historical writings of the period are too numerous to discuss exhaustively, so the focus will be on Ziauddin Barani and a few representative historians.
Largely, the Sultanate writings were penned down in Persian and were in the Persian tradition.
Among the earliest of such writings were Hasan Nizami's Taj−ulMa′asir and Fakhr-i Mudabbir's Adab−ulHarbwaShuja′at.
Hasan Nizami
Sadruddin Hasan Nizami's work (Taj−ulMa′asir) can be called the first official history.
It covers the period from the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate (1191-92) up to 1229 CE.
Barani praises his master craftsmanship in constructing the FathNamas, particularly the FathNama of Lakhnauti, which he believes became a model for dabirs (scribes).
Hasan had a deep impact on the Arabic tradition and was particularly influenced by Khwarizmian scholar Rashid Vatvat.
Hasan's account is full of rhetoric, emulated by Amir Khusrau and Abul Fazl.
Hasan belonged to a distinguished scholarly family; a native of Nishapur, his father, Nizami Aruzi Samarqandi, was a great scholar and friend of Umar Khayyam.
Hasan was conscious of his scholarship and frustrated that it wasn't recognized.
Muhammad Ali Kufi, his spiritual mentor, suggested he proceed from Nishapur to Ghazna and thence to Delhi, when Aibak invited scholars to write the achievements of Shihabuddin Ghori, Muizuddin Muhammad Bin Sam.
At his friend's insistence, he decided to pen down the work.
Aibak's sudden death and the transfer of the capital from Lahore to Delhi by Iltutmish put further stress on Hasan, who felt distanced from his homeland.
Lahore being closer to Ghazna meant he could consider it his homeland, while Delhi was far from Ghazna and more embedded into 'Indian' tradition.
All this had a deep impact on Hasan's writings.
Though his account covers until 1229, Iltutmish was not the focus of his work; Iltutmish's administrative achievements, including iqta, hardly find space in his work.
However, he admired Aibak, who is praised for his generosity towards immigrants.
Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui (2014: 52) argues that Hasan was impressed by the towering personality of Sultan Qutbuddin Aibak, and in contrast, the account of the reign of Sultan Iltutmish seems to have been compiled in haste for the purpose of presenting it at court and getting a reward in return.
It lacks the literary charm of the opening part.
His account focuses largely on the military achievements of his patron, Aibak.
No events between 1197 to 1202 are recorded by Hasan, nor is there any mention of Chinghiz Khan's arrival up to the Indus River and its impact on Indian politics.
Interestingly, the conquest of Bengal (capture of Nadia) by Bakhtiyar Khalji, nor his military expedition against Tibet is recorded by Hasan.
That suggests that in Shihabuddin's vision, there were three centers independent of each other, and Aibak was not made the sole charge of his Indian possessions.
In his desire to get rewards, he completely ignored unpleasant facts that could put Iltutmish in an uncomfortable position.
This is evident in the complete silence of the period following Aibak's death and Iltutmish's succession. It again suggests that Aibak's sudden death resulted in a void.
There is no mention of Aibak's son Aram Shah being enthroned by the nobles at Delhi, nor Amir-Dad's conspiracy against Aram Shah. Minhaj informs that Ismail secretly invited Iltutmish to Delhi from Badaun.
Nonetheless, Hasan fills in gaps where Minhaj is silent: Minhaj is silent about Aibak's recall to Ghazna in 1193, as mentioned by Hasan.
There is no mention of Aibek's battle of Jatwan near Hansi.
Many of Minhaj's narratives on Aibak's military successes are described by him as easy victories, but Hasan's narration suggests a stiff resistance put up by the Rajputs.
Hasan informs that at the battle of Anhilwara Bhim Deo II had nearly defeated the Turks. Aibak's initial defeat at Ajmer in 1196 and reinforcements from Ghazna are completely omitted by Minhaj.
Hasan also praises the strength of the forts of Delhi, Meerut, Kol, and Kalinjar. The fort of Gwalior is described by Hasan as 'the pearl of the necklace of the castles of Hind'.
Some of the official documents provided by Hasan are of great importance, throwing valuable light on the powers and functions of a governor. In this regard, mention may be made of a parwana of Muhammad bin Sam (1193-1194) issued to the governor of Kol and farman (1217) of Iltutmish regarding the appointment of Prince Nasiruddin Mahmud as wali (governor) of Lahore.
There is hardly any focus on the socio-economic and cultural aspects of the period, but there is information on weapons, precious stones, jewels, flowers, musical instruments, herbs, birds, and animals of his time.
As many as 28 types of weapons and armoury are recorded by Hasan, as well as katar−ihindi (swords), shill−ihindi (lance), and bhala−ihindi (spear).
His account of merchant caravans and a variety of goods across the world carried by them (Chinese silk, ruby of Badakhshan, Arab horses, Moroccan leather, Chinese mirrors, brocade from Anatolia) suggests brisk trading activities.
Hasan Nizami's work is of considerable historical importance, but his work is full of metaphors, similes, and rhetorical devices, and when all this literary paraphernalia is removed, Taj-ul Ma'asir can be reduced to less than one-fourth of its present size without any loss of meaning and substance.
Minhaj-us Siraj Juzjani
Minhaj-us Siraj Juzjani's Tabaqat−iNasiri is categorized as 'dynastic' history and is dedicated to Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud.
It is written in tabaqat style, where tabaqa literally means 'layer', often used in the sense of defining generation/class/race/political order. Minhaj used it to explain dynasties and personalities.
The book is divided into twenty-three tabaqa, each further divided into chapters and sub-sections.
Minhaj's family enjoyed high reputation in religious scholarship and piety, sharing relations with the Caliphate at Baghdad.
Minhaj's father, Sirajuddin, was sent by the Khwarizmian ruler as envoy to the Caliph's court, though he was killed on his way by robbers.
His ancestors also had close matrimonial ties with the ruling houses of Ghor and Ghazna: Minhaj's great grandfather, Imam Abdul Khalique, was the son-in-law of Sultan Ibrahim of Ghazna (1059-1099).
His father was qazi of the Ghorid army and also that of Banian and Tukharistan.
Minhaj, born at Firuz Kuh, grew up in the harem of Princes Mah Malik, who was the daughter of Ghiyasuddin Muhammad bin Sam and the foster-sister and school-mate of Minhaj's mother.
Mah Malik, an educated lady and hafiz, was fond of Minhaj, liked books, and possessed a good library which Minhaj had free access to.
Minhaj himself participated in campaigns against Mongols for long four years in the 1220s.
Minhaj left for India in 1227 via Ghaznin and Banian and reached Uchch by boat.
Qubacha was impressed by his academic and intellectual acumen and made him principal of Firuzi Madrasa at Uchch and appointed him qazi-i lashkar of the forces of his son.
When Illtutmish annexed Multan in 1227, he accompanied Minhaj to Delhi in 1227, where he was made imam, qazi, and khatib. In 1231, he accompanied Iltutmish during the Gwalior siege.
After the conquest, he was made imam, qazi, and khatib of Gwalior. In 1237, he regained the principalship of Nasiriah Madrasa.
However, following Illtutmish's death, he got involved with the active politics of the court, which affected his fortunes. During Raziya's reign, he was removed from his assignment from Gwalior.
In 1241, he was made chief qazi of Delhi by Muizuddin. He was so active in politics that the then wazir Muhazzabuddin got him attacked at Jama Masjid, an assault that he escaped unhurt.
With Imaduddin Raihan's rise in power, he again had to loose his job, but with Balban's rise in power again in 1255, he regained his office of qazi-ul quzzat and qaziship of Delhi, a position he held till the end of his life.
His Friday sermons were so popular that even Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya used to attend them every Friday during his young days.
These fluctuating fortunes and his active participation in politics influenced Minhaj's writings.
On one occasion, he openly sided with Sultan Muizuddin Bahram Shah and had to face exile for long two years. Thereafter, he never got involved openly siding with one group or the other.
The tabaqat begins with the discussion from Adam to Prophet and Caliphs of Islam (1-4 tabaqa);
Afterwards, each dynasty is dealt with in a separate chapter (tabaqa).
The history of pre-Islamic Iran and Yemen is discussed in tabaqa 5-6. From the seventh tabaqa onwards, Minhaj talks over the history of the ruling dynasties of Iran and Central Asia.
8-10 tabaqa deliberate upon Safavids, Samanids, and Daylamites (Buwahids); tabaqa 16 to 23 are the most exhaustive: tabaqa 16-19 deal with the Shansbani dynasty of Ghor. From Nasiruddin Mahmud's reign onwards, it turns into an annual chronicle.
The discourse ended (the last tabaqa) with deliberations on the rise of Mongol power under Chinghiz Khan and his successors.
Though tabaqat is extremely exhaustive and detailed, its focus is largely on narration of political events.
The main focus in accounts of Ghor/Ghazana, Delhi Sultans and the Mongols.
For his early history of Islam, he consulted as many as fourteen books - Tarikh−iBaihaqi, Tarikh−iYamini, etc.
For the Delhi Sultanate, he himself was the eyewitness of most of the events and often a participant.
His account of the Delhi Sultans is informative but not illuminating.
Political considerations, changing attitudes, and loyalties of nobles made him extremely cautious in dealing with the accounts of the Sultans and the nobles of the period.
However, his account of the Mongols is partly based on his personal observations while dealing with the Mongols at Tulak in the 1220s, and for later accounts, he relied on travelers and merchants who visited Delhi - Rashiduddin Hakim Balkhi, Syed Ashrafuddin Samarqandi who visited Delhi in 1258 for trading.
Minhaj's analogy on Bakhtiyar Khalji's disastrous campaign towards Tibet is interesting.
He argues that Bakhtiyar wanted to control the supply line of the Tanghan horses.
Similarly, Minhaj's writings indirectly convey that he did not like the treachery of Iltutmish in getting rid of his rivals.
He clearly underlines Yalduz and Qubacha being 'rulers of nobler qualities' than Iltutmish.
His tabaqa (22) on the nobles of the Delhi Sultans deals with 25 nobles of Iltutmish. Barani, however, refers to them as a 'group of forty' (turkan−ichihilgani).
Minhaj provides a vivid picture of the life of an amir - their talents, military skills, their racial backgrounds, training of a 'slave', Turkish nobles, personal intrigues, their fortunes, their assignments as iqta holders, their duties, etc.
However, on account of political considerations, some of the important nobles of the time, like Qutbuddin Hasan Ghuri (on account of his strained relations with Balban), are missing.
Minhaj completely identified himself with the Turkish nobility, and the non-Turkish nobles do not find the focus of his attention (Minhaj had to suffer his fortunes at the hands of Imaduddin Raihan).
Thus, Minhaj's account lacks information pertaining to the role of non-Turkish nobles in the Sultanate polity, particularly one hardly gets the idea of the background of the rise of the Khalji nobility.
On account of his political affiliations, he often ignored certain important events/developments.
For him, the rise of Raihan was just accidental.
He criticized Raziya for attempting to break away from the power of the old Turkish nobles by bringing in Yaqut, but at other places, he hints at Raziya being the best choice and the unworthiness of Iltutmish's sons.
Iltutmish said, 'My sons are engrossed in the pleasures of youth, and none of them possesses the capacity of managing the affairs of the country… After my death, it will be seen that not one of them will be found more worthy of the heir-apparentship than she, my daughter”.
Balban's disgraceful methods to usurp power from Nasiruddin Mahmud are too well known, so Minhaj projected Nasir as ‘otherworldly', less interested in the mundane political power.
The 'usurpation' of the power by Balban was presented as the 'necessity of the situation'.
Minhaj also largely suppressed the brutal murder of Qutbuddin Hasan Ghuri, a member of the Turkan−ichihilgani, just to escape disfavour. Nonetheless, at other places he calls his assassination as martyrdom (shahadat), insinuating little defiance to accept the act to be far from being justified.
Minhaj's projection of Nur Turk as materialistic also seems to be far from the truth, for Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya calls him 'purer than rain water'.
Similarly, Minhaj's details of early Turkish campaigns, though detailed, hardly provide the perspective and intensity of the Indian resistance.
He has also completely ignored the discussion on the impact of the Turkish conquest and the changing administrative structure (even details on iqtas are missing) of the Turks and the reaction of the masses to it.
Even the early Turkish period, which was one of the most vibrant ages for the development of Sufism in India, with towering figures like Shaikh Muinuddin Chishti, Bakhtiyar Kaki, Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakar, Bahauddin Zakaria, Hamiduddin Nagauri, is absent.
However, all this does not belittle the importance of Minhaj's account.
Minhaj himself was an acclaimed scholar, and Nizamuddin Auliya used to visit Minhaj to listen to his weekly discourses.
His description of the life and activities of Shamsi and Qutbi maliks is extremely exhaustive, with whom he himself was closely connected.
But where Minhaj excels without biases is his account of the Mongols.
The portrayal of Chinghiz Khan is very informative regarding his faith, his ferocity, his kindheartedness, qualities of justice, and discipline.
Amir Khusrau
Modern historians often debate whether Amir Khusrau can be placed in the category of a historian.
Writing in 1927, Mohammad Habib highlighted the importance of Khusrau's five masnavis (poetical works) as an important source of history.
He argues that Khusrau's Khazain−ulFutuh provides crucial information on Alauddin Khalji's reign.
Prior to his description of Alauddin's Deccan campaigns, Khusrau summarized what the official historian Kabiruddin might have written (his work does not survive to posterity); post-Kabiruddin, Khusrau provides a graphic account of Alauddin's Deccan campaigns.
However, for Peter Hardy (1966), Amir Khusrau does not attempt a conspectus of the past, and his treatment of the past lacks unity of theme and chronology.
For Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui (2014: 164-165), though Amir Khusrau did not aim to document the past totally, he focused his attention on events of social and political importance, widening the scope of Indo-Persian historiography by inventing new genres, writing history both in prose and verse.
Khusrau shifted the focus of his history writings from battles, conquests, and court intrigues to the socio-cultural life of the period, which is largely missing in the writings of early Persian writers.
Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) was a poet-historian. His style is verbose, marred by poetic imagination, and full of rhetoric. Often, he lacks chronological sequences.
Khusrau was a prolific writer with too many poetic literatures among them Khamsa stands out.
Barani was privileged to meet him while he was in his youth. He praises that his compositions are in such a large number that it could form a library of its own. He also praises him as a devout sufi, fond of sama (sufi musical gatherings), and one of the most favorite disciples (murid) of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya.
Amir Hasan Sijzi calls him Sadi-i Hindustan. Such was Khusrau's prestige that ruler of Herat Sultan Bay Sunghar Mirza regarded his Khamsa as better than Nizami's.
Not much is known about Khusrau's family background.
Khusrau's father, Saifuddin Lachin, was a Turkish slave from Central Asia, and both his father and maternal grandfather, Imad-ul Mulk, were petty slave amirs of Iltutmish.
Soon, Imad-ul Mulk became trusted amirs of Balban, holding the post of ariz−ishikra [officer in charge of royal falcons].
His father died when he was just seven years old (1260-61), so he was brought up by his maternal grandfather, Imad-ul Mulk, at Delhi. When Imad-ul Mulk died in 1273, Khusrau joined Balban's nephew Kishlu Khan (Malik Chhajju).
However, Khusrau's talent was at its best under the Khaljis. Jalaluddin Khalji made him nadim−ikhass (chief courtier).
The discussions will focus on Khusrau's Qiran−usSadain (masnavi), DevalRaniKhizrKhan (Ashiqa, masnavi), NuhSipahr, Ijaz−iKhusrawi (masnavi), Khazain−ulFutuhorTarikh−iAlai, and TughlaqNama (masnavi).
Whatever historical matter he picked up to write was not by choice; instead, he was asked to write on a particular theme by the reigning Sultan.
Qiran−usSadain was composed by him at the request of Sultan Kaiqubad. This often forced Khusrau to avoid certain uncomfortable facts of the reigning monarch.
His Khazain−ulFutuh does not talk about the brutal murder by Alauddin Khalji of his uncle and father-in-law Jalauddin Khalji.
The Qiran−usSadain (masnavi) deals with the meeting of Sultan Kaiqubad (son) and Bughra Khan (father) and his march from Delhi to Awadh.
Sadain sheds interesting light on the vibrant cultural life of Delhi, which Khusrau believes surpassed Bukhara and Ghazna in importance. It provides interesting insights to various building structures of Delhi, court life, convivial parties, etc.
Khusrau's Miftah−ulFutuh (masnavi) deals with Jalauddin Khalji's accession and his military accomplishments.
Khusrau is full of praise of Jalauddin as a commander and a human being; fond of men of literature. He also throws light on Jalal's early career as a successful warrior against Mongols (in Ghazana and Kurraman) and Afghans (Salt Range).
He also discusses Sultan's four major clashes against Turkish nobles Aitmar (Surkha) and Aitmar (Kachhan);. Malik Chhajju, governor of Kara; against Ranthambhor.
Khusrau not only discusses the siege of Ranthambhor, in which he himself was a participant, but also presents the graphic account of the topography of the region with which he got so much enamored with, particularly that of the city of Jhain, its desert, rivers.
Khusrau's writings achieve peak in Alauddin Khalji's reign.
He began writing in a new genre, i.e., in prose.
Khazain−ulFutuhorTarikh−iAlai, DevalRaniKhizrKhan (Ashiqa), and NuhSipahr reflect his creative genius.
Khazain−ulFutuhorTarikh−iAlai largely deals with Alauddin's Deccan campaigns; even as pre-Sultan his Deogir victory of 1295 down to 1312.
Though prior to Deccan conquest details are quite brief about Alauddin's building construction activities (Siri), repair works (Jama Masjid and Hauz-i Sultani) his price control measures, establishment of Dar-ul Adl, a cloth market, proclamation on prohibition, ban on prostitutes, prevailing peace and safety of roads for travelers.
He calls his price control measures as a 'public welfare', unlike Barani, who discusses it as an attempt to ensure strengthening of his military to combat Mongol attacks.
Ijaz−iKhusrawi is primarily a collection of epistles and documents,
It depicts Alauddin's power at its height; the vibrancy of the cultural life of Delhi; the strength of Alauddin's army; densely populated, affluent, and vibrant towns and cities.
What stands out in Ijaz−iKhusrawi is Khusrau's attempt to put forth the ideals of governance.
DevalRaniKhizrKhan (Ashiqa) is a tragic love story of Deval Rani and Alauddin's son Khizr Khan (1315).
NuhSipahr deals primarily with Mubarak Khalji's Deccan campaigns. It is full of praise of India and its people and discusses various dialects spoken in the region. Both masnavis throw light on the vivacity of court rituals and ceremonies, royal births, and royal marriages, particularly the details of Khizr Khan's marriage rituals in DevalRaniKhizrKhan and victory celebrations of Mubarak Khalji at Delhi after his return from Deogir success and Prince Muhammad's birth ceremonies (1318) in NuhSipahr.
Amir Khusrau's TughlaqNama celebrates victories of Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq.
Only from TughlaqNama can details of the early career of the founder of the Tughlaq dynasty, Ghazi Malik: Khusrau mentions Ghazi Malik called himself in his early career as mard−iaawara. He was employed by Jalauddin Khalji; later joined Alauddin Khalji's brother Ulugh Khan. Alauddin was impressed by him during the siege of Ranthambhor.
Amir Khusrau's account is strong on topographical details: geography, rivers, mountains, place names, scenic beauty, forests, along with various stages of army marches are described with graphic details in descriptions of routes from Dipalpur to Delhi (TughlaqNama); Delhi to the Deccan across Narmada and Vindhyan ranges (Khazain−ulFutuh); Delhi to Awadh (Qiran−usSadain).
His nostalgia for Delhi was everlasting. While he was in Multan, a city that he never liked, he often remembers the vibrancy of Delhi, echoes of rubab and ud.
Though he praises Awadh in his Firqanama, its climate flora-fauna, its mangoes; beauty of Sarayu/Ghaghra; courteous residents, the memories of Delhi still haunt him. He was full of praise of Narmada, its scenic beauty of the surroundings.
However, among all the cities he was fond of Deogir, wrote a qasida (panegyric) Sahifat−ulAusaf when accompanied Ulugh Khan (future Muhammad bin Tughluq).
A great admirer of country (India): 'I have praised India for two reasons. First, because India is the land of my birth and our Country…Its climate is better than that of Khorasan….Brahmans here are as learned as Aristotle.
Ziauddin Barani
Ziauddin Barani was a prolific writer, and his works reflect his profound scholarship. His primary works are: Tarikh−iFiruzshahi and Fatawa−iJahandari (1335/1337 [revised]) and Sahifa−iNat−iMuhammadi.
Barani's detail account on prices throws valuable light on Alauddin's price control measures.
Barani also throws interesting light on Alauddin's construction activities - fortification of Siri wall, Jami Mosque, several cities and towns, Hauz Khas, etc.
Barani showed his clear dislike for Alauddin for showing disregard for Sharia in dealing with punishments, though he praises in general the progress of the Sultanate under Alauddin and particularly that of Delhi, its bazaars, trade, craftsmen, and artisans.
Barani's account of the Afghanpura tragedy is of importance, where unlike the general blame that Muhammad Tughlaq was responsible for his father's death; he conspired against him, he emphasizes upon his innocence and calls it an accidental death.
He served as nadim (counselor/courtier) for seventeen years under Muhammad bin Tughlaq and is full of praise for his benefactor, calls him 'Sultan-i Sa'id' (pious ruler) and a shahid (martyr).
Barani informs us that he attempted to combine both spiritual and temporal powers (Caliph of the Prophet and those of the Sultan).
He praises him as a genius in military leadership, learning and generosity.
Barani also emphasizes his great literary pursuits, his interest in the rational sciences (ilm−im′aqul) and his fondness for philosophers and rationalists, and he disregarded traditional sciences (manqul), particularly under the influence of Ubaid Sha'ir (poet) and S'ad Mantaqi (logician).
Barani informs that Muhammad Tughlaq was a great supporter of reason, thus he did not hesitate to kill pious and religious minded/orthodox Muslims, ulama, mashaikhs and Saiyyids, nonetheless, he was a pious Muslim performing five times prayers.
Barani's comment regarding the failure of his policies is also very important to understand Muhammad bin Tughlaq's personality.
He says that failures of his projects were not on account of his lack of faith in Islam, but because the people were unwilling to cooperate for the implementation of his progressive policies.
He rather portrays him an 'intellectual follower of Islam, anxious to lead his people on the path of progress through the new laws and regulations formulated by him'. Ikhtisan, the dabir-i khas of the Sultan, calls him Numan-i Sani (Abu Hanifa of the age) for his command over Islamic law.
Barani's detailed account of the appointment of various low-born to high offices is invaluable.
Similarly, the details pertaining to the network of canals built by Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq is unique no other contemporary's analysis on the theme is so insightful and detailed.
He argues that it would be valuable for posterity and the over-all socio-economic development of the region.
Thakkar Pheru
Thakkar Pheru was a 14th-century Shrimal Jain from Kannana (Gujarat).
His father was Thakkur Chand.
He received his first employment in Alauddin Khalji's treasury as a coin, gems, and metal specialist.
Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji made him in charge of the royal mint, a post he held until Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq's reign.
He wrote several books in Prakrit to guide his son Hempal, particularly in the craft of gems and metals, among them his DravyaPariksha (on metals and coins) and RatnaPariksha (on gem stones) are most important works.
DravyaPariksha contains four chapters and 149 gathas.
The work is extremely useful and throws interesting light on how to prepare alloys (tridhatu [copper, silver, and gold]; dvidhatu [copper and silver]) and purify them.
Methods of casting coins; purification of metals and alloys for casting silver/gold coins along with required shapes and weights.
The book is of utmost importance to understand the actual working of the mints,