Notes on The Revolution Will Be Feminist—Or It Won’t Be a Revolution
1. Introduction
Central argument: Gender inequality in Chile is layered on top of a broader structural inequality; the political and legal system under neoliberal policies (from the Pinochet era and continued by post‑1990 elites) has restricted women’s access to economic power and equality.
Neoliberal policies and an elitist democracy: Policies implemented during Pinochet’s dictatorship and maintained by democratically elected regimes after 1990 created a persistent pattern of inequality that intersects with gender.
Urgency for feminism: This sustained inequality gave rise to a regeneration and evolution of Chile’s feminist movement, which framed grievances around “the precarity of life” and united Chileans in a common struggle, contributing to the October 2019 social explosion and the drafting of a new constitution.
Current climate: The movement’s activism is rooted in social mobilization against the economic and political system and in bringing women’s rights to the forefront of political and socio‑economic agendas; this climate underpins debates about how women can be included in Chile’s economy and influence progress.
Scope and structure of the article: The piece surveys democratic deficit, inequality, gender inequality, and the feminist movement’s development, culminating in reflections on a significant feminist presence in Chile’s economy and politics.
1.1. A Note on Methodology
Core premise: Chilean social mobilization today arises from a “democratic deficit” (Norris, 2011) that necessitates a re‑emergence of social movements.
Research approach: Detailed review of political science literature on Chilean politics and social movements; compilation of quantitative and qualitative secondary data, including interviews, news articles, surveys, and global reports.
Guiding questions:
1) What inequality exists in Chile?
2) Why does this inequality exist?
3) What are the most important feminist claims?
4) How has the feminist construction of these claims advanced social mobilization in Chile?Analytical lens: Feminists’ framings and leaders’ perspectives are central; an intersectional perspective is used to understand how gender intersects with class, race, and other power structures.
Theoretical grounding: Movement framing, with attention to how feminists articulate who is affected, who is responsible, and how to mobilize, drawing on Goffman (1974) and Franceschet (2005).
Contemporary voices: Includes insights from key feminist organizers (e.g., Alondra Carrillo, CF8M) about naming precarity and linking gender issues to broader societal grievances; emphasizes that feminism in Chile seeks to situate women’s rights within wider struggles.
2. Chile’s Democratic Deficit, Participation, and Framing
Core concept: Chile today suffers from a democratic deficit, understood as a gap between rising public expectations and perceived government performance and legitimacy (Norris, 2011).
Contributing factors: Societal changes, dissatisfaction with institutions, and policy outcomes; a crisis of legitimacy can accompany dissatisfaction with policy performance (Lipset, 1983; Norris, 2011).
Participation vs representation: Rhodes‑Purdy (2017) argues that concerns with participation, rather than representation or macroeconomic performance, drive attitudes toward the state; Chile’s binomial electoral system and elite‑driven negotiations limited citizen participation.
October 2019 social explosion: Aimed at economic inequality and the political system’s responsiveness; the lack of faith that political parties would allow citizen participation helped catalyze mobilization.
Framing and mobilization: Movements succeed when they articulate who is affected and how to fight injustices; feminist frames connect gendered issues to broader social struggles (Mårtensson, 2018; Franceschet, 2005).
Feminist reformulation: The estallido leveraged a frame of precarity—rooted in neoliberal capitalism and patriarchy—that unites diverse groups under the banner of feminist politics across work, school, politics, and family life (Green Rioja, 2021).
Contemporary perspective: Alondra Carrillo and CF8M emphasize moving beyond a victimhood frame to challenge the system that sustains violence and precarity; feminism becomes a cross‑cutting political project.
Transnational dimension: Chile’s feminist movement belongs to a wider Latin American and global feminist politics, connected through events like Ni Una Menos and international women’s strikes, expanding the scope and tactics of agitation and solidarity.
3. Inequality: A Brief History
Pre‑ dictatorship and transition context: Chilean inequality persisted despite periods of policy reform; the Gini coefficient remained high, with episodic improvements during certain administrations (mid‑20th century social policies) but persistent structural inequality.
3.1 The Pinochet Dictatorship: The Impact of Neoliberalism
1973–1989: Violent coup and dictatorship; institutions destroyed; political rights curtailed; state media suppressed; the private sector gained prominence; the Chicago Boys implemented neoliberal reforms.
Economic reforms: Reduction of state regulatory, investment, and distributive functions; privatization of state assets and social policies; partial privatization of health and education; deregulation of the labor market.
Economic outcomes: GDP contraction in the mid‑1970s and early 1980s; 1983 unemployment reached 23.9%; real wages fell relative to 1970 levels (≈14% below); the few economic groups gained disproportionate fortunes; rising poverty and inequality.
Legacy: A lasting framework of neoliberal policy embedded in the 1980 Constitution, limiting the state’s transformative power post‑ dictatorship.
3.2 Economic and Social Policies 1990–2019: Democracy, Neoliberalism, and Inequality
Early post‑ dictatorial economy (1990): Growth ≈ 7.4 ext{%}, inflation ≈ 18 ext{%}, unemployment ≈ 8.8 ext{%}, and real wages growing ~2.5 ext{%} annually; social spending had been cut; poverty remained high (≈ 45 ext{%} below poverty line) (United Nations, 1998).
Income distribution: By 1996, top 20% captured ~56.7 ext{%} of income; bottom 20% captured ~4.1 ext{%}; later indicators show a gradual reduction in the Gini coefficient from high levels (0.58 in the early 2000s to 0.46 by 2017) (Meller Commission, 2008; World Bank data).
2000s inequality persistence: Gini around in the early 2000s, decreasing to by 2006; by 2017, dropped to (World Bank; Meller Commission).
Urban–rural disparities: Urban income approx. 87 ext{%} higher than rural; top 20% income share remained dominant in the distribution (≈ 51–52 ext{%} in 2011–2017) while bottom 20% hovered around ~5.7 ext{%}.
3.3 Democracia de Acuerdos (democracy of agreements):
Transitionary governance model: elites from the Pinochet era and post‑transition concessions shaped reforms via consensus and veto power; reforms limited by the 1980 Constitution and right‑wing opposition with veto power.
Legitimacy concerns: Although this model provided political stability, perceptions of exclusion grew due to limited access to education, pensions, and health care.
Policy highlights across administrations:
Lagos (2000–2006): Pro‑market orientation; limited inequality reduction; some pro‑women measures through electoral reform.
Bachelet (2006–2010; 2014–2018): Pursued a pro‑equality agenda; pushed for gender‑friendly reforms, including increased female political representation; abortion policy reforms enacted (with constitutional constraints).
Piñera (2010–2014; 2018–2022): Implemented the ethical salary (salario ético) program; a wage subsidy aimed at poor households, with emphasis on female employment; mixed results: poverty reduction but reduced labor participation; continued pension reform efforts and attempts at minimum wage adjustments.
Economic‑political link: The “democracy of agreements” shaped gradual reforms rather than broad systemic change; the system maintained a market‑oriented framework with incremental social protections.
2019 context: Widespread protests highlighted the insufficiency of reforms and the need for a new constitution to address structural inequalities; debates connected to the end of neoliberalism and the reconfiguration of social protections.
4. Gender Inequality
4.1 The Constitution and Gender Inequality
Constitutional foundations: The 1980 Constitution under Pinochet did not promote gender equality nor address gender discrimination; its structure allowed right‑wing veto power that hindered pro‑woman policies.
Legal protections and enforcement gaps: Lambert & Scribner (2021) note that the constitution limited gender‑based litigation; women faced barriers to court challenges against gender discrimination and violence; while some pro‑women laws exist (e.g., 2005 enhancements for domestic violence penalties and shelters), application remains problematic as litigants often rely on international conventions (CEDAW, Inter‑American) rather than domestic law.
Reproductive rights and contraception: Abortion restrictions persisted; limited reforms (e.g., 2005–2008 attempts) were undermined by the 1980 Constitution and Catholic influence; 2008 Constitutional Court ruling nullified some family planning advances; 2017 reforms decriminalized abortion in three cases (life of the mother at risk, lethal fetal abnormalities, rape).
Overall implication: The constitutional framework and its legal culture perpetuate unequal gender power, with motherhood and family status often prioritized over broader gender rights.
4.2 The Gender Wage Gap and Limited Economic Participation
UNDP 2017 findings: Inequality encompasses income, capital access, education, political power, and dignity; effects disproportionately felt by women, rural residents, regional poorer populations, indigenous and minority groups.
Conjugal society regime: A legal default in Chilean marriage that grants husbands control over marital property and administration of income, limiting women’s financial inclusion and access to credit; identified as a rare regime globally (noted in 9 economies across the world, including a Latin American country).
Economic participation and education: 2019 UNDP index shows 77.8% of women with some secondary education (men 81.1%); female labor force participation ≈ 51.8 ext{%} (men 74%); World Bank data place female participation at ≈ 44.6 ext{%}, highlighting lower participation than many peers (Brazil, Argentina, Bolivia, Peru, Uruguay, Colombia).
Wage gap and discrimination: Studies (Reyes Campos, 2016; Camou & Maubrigades, 2017) indicate persistent wage gaps that persist with higher education and are linked to discrimination; top OECD‑income countries show low female participation due to harassment, lack of equal pay, and lack of credit discrimination protections; a commonly cited wage gap is around 21.1 ext{%} (Business Insider ranking).
Pension inequality: Private pension systems imply women retire with significantly lower pensions than men; 2008 reform spans 18 months of state contributions per child, with contributions accruing from birth; however, many women still receive low pensions. Bravo Commission (President Bachelet) found that many retirees in 2007–2014 received monthly benefits around US ext{$150} for those with APS or lower, and women’s pensions were typically about half of men’s, with median APS benefits for women ≈ US$105 and for men ≈ US$133; replacement rates were low and last‑ten‑years wage replacement often below 34%. These patterns reflect cumulative effects of lower earnings, career interruptions for family care, and the privatized pension system.
5. Chile’s New Wave of Feminists
Given extensive inequality and limited democratic participation, a reemergence of feminist organizing has occurred, with renewed visibility and cross‑movement collaboration.
5.1 The Evolution of Chile’s Feminist Movement
Pre‑transition: Feminism was a vibrant, plural movement allied with other social movements against Pinochet’s dictatorship.
Post‑transition fragmentation: The movement became divided; feminists who embraced formal political channels gained visibility and policy influence, while autonomous feminists emphasized civilizational change and remained outside formal policymaking.
2000s gains and limits: Pro‑women reforms occurred (poverty reduction, maternal mortality declines, stronger gender‑based violence laws), but political leadership remained constrained by elite democracy and the 1980 Constitution; rural Mapuche women often faced exclusion from policy processes despite activism.
Early 2000s shifts: Grassroots feminists faced marginalization when linked to state processes; autonomous feminists continued to push against systemic barriers and violence, maintaining activism outside formal channels.
Rise of autonomous and student activism: The 2006 Pingüino student protests, broader mobilizations (No+ AFP, labor movements, indigenous resistance) politicized a generation and created networks for feminist organizing (CF8M, Frente Amplio's student base); universities and student groups provided spaces for cross‑movement coalition and common slogans.
5.2 The Current Movement’s Most Important Claims
Core ideas: Feminists argue against the precarity of life and insist on a systemic challenge to the neoliberal order that sustains gendered violence and vulnerability; feminism is framed as a politics that cuts across sectors—work, education, family, politics.
Two foundational ideas (Carrillo and CF8M): First, fight against precarity of life; second, collective “no” to the system enables feminist politics across issues and movements; the movement seeks to work across borders to influence policy.
Transnational reach: Connections to Latin American feminist activism (e.g., Ni Una Menos) strengthen local campaigns and global visibility; cross‑border exchanges aid tactical innovations and solidarity.
Demands and coalitions: In 2018–2019, CF8M organized a plenary with committees by territory, sector, union, educational institution, social setting, and sexual orientation to build an inclusive general strike; inclusive participation broadened demands to include abortion access, recognition of reproductive labor, and non‑sexist education; multi‑sector feminists joined student, labor, and civil organizations.
2018–2019 momentum: Student occupations and sit‑ins paralyzed universities; activists argued for cultural and political transformation beyond formal institutions; emphasis on broad social changes rather than narrow policy wins.
5.3 The 2019 Estallido Social
National protests: Initiated by metro fare protests in Santiago in October 2019, but quickly expanded to broader grievances around education, health, gender violence, work, and pensions.
October 18 onward: Metro protests included fare evasion tactics and clashes with police; metro shutdown on Oct 18; escalating confrontations and site takeovers across cities; government declared a state of emergency and curfews; army deployed to restore order.
October 25: Large demonstrations—over 1 million people in Santiago and many more across the country—signaling a national awakening.
Feminist role: Feminists supported cross‑movement mobilization, illustrating how gender concerns intersect with broader demands for democracy and social protection; Las Tesis’ Un Violador en Tu Camino (November 2020) highlighted state violence and patriarchy; the song became a global symbol of feminist resistance.
Constitutional change: A major outcome was the push for equal participation in drafting a new constitution; feminists aimed for a constitutional framework that would address gender equity and violence; CIPER analysis reported that 57.4% of the 155 Constitutional Convention members held at least one pro‑feminist policy in their agendas, indicating substantive inclusion of feminist issues in constitutional debates.
Ongoing questions: Some activists viewed participation in the plebiscite as a way to channel popular will, while others saw it as potentially appropriating dissident voices; the CF8M and allied groups aimed to maintain autonomy while engaging with institutional processes. The maxim “nothing about us without us” captures this stance.
6. Conclusion
The 1980 Constitution has anchored a political‑economic model that hinders broad reductions in inequality, especially gender inequality; this has constrained true democratic participation.
The feminist movement has been pivotal in naming gendered struggles and in mobilizing across movements to confront precarity; this has made feminist politics more visible and necessary for progress.
The inclusion of feminists in Chile’s Constitutional Convention is seen as a meaningful milestone, though not a guarantee of comprehensive transformation; CIPER’s finding that a majority of Convention members include pro‑feminist agendas suggests a favorable trajectory for gender‑inclusive constitutional reforms.
The movement’s approach represents a pragmatic form of mass politicization that seeks long‑term collaboration beyond the constitution itself; the ongoing challenge is to ensure sustained feminist influence in policy and to promote inclusive economic and social development in Chile.
The article closes with a cautious but hopeful note: Chile’s constitutional reform process, shaped by feminist participation, could become a model for regional movements, contingent on sustaining inclusive representation and addressing the structural roots of precarity.
Key data and figures (referenced in context)
Plebiscite to rewrite the dictatorship constitution: 78% voted “yes” to rewrite (national plebiscite prior to the constitutional convention) [in the article’s context].
Constitutional Convention composition: 155 members; inaugural session achieved near gender parity (78 men, 77 women) and a strong representation of independents and left‑wing candidates.
October 2019 protests: Over 1,000,000 people marched in Santiago on Oct 25; nationwide mobilization followed.
1980 Constitution and governance: Created an elitist democracy with veto powers retaining among right‑wing institutions and a constrained ability for reform; electoral reforms enacted later improved women’s political participation in some respects.
2005–2008 domestic violence law enhancements and shelter provisions were introduced, but enforcement remains inconsistent; reliance on international conventions (CEDAW, Inter‑American) used to supplement domestic protections.
Abortion reforms: 2017 decriminalized abortion in three cases (risk to life of the mother, lethal fetal abnormalities, rape) amid ongoing debate and Catholic influence; prior norms criminalized most abortion activities (1931–1989) and partial restrictions persisted due to 1980 Constitution constraints.
Pension system and gender disparity: 2008 reform linked with 18 months of state contributions per child; median APS benefits for women around US$105; men around US$133; several studies show women’s pensions substantially lower than men’s; replacement rates often around 34% or lower of last ten years’ wages.
Economic indicators: Gini coefficient declined from around 0.58 (early 2000s) to about 0.46 by 2017; top 20% income share around 51–56% in various years; urban advantage in incomes compared with rural areas; female labor participation around 44.6%–51.8% depending on source and year.
Policy milestones under different administrations: Electoral reform under Bachelet; salary ethics program under Piñera; ongoing debates about minimum wage and pension reform; these policies contributed to poverty reduction but left inequality relatively persistent, especially along gender lines.
CIPER finding on the Constitutional Convention: 57.4% of the Convention members had at least one pro‑feminist policy in their agendas.
Connections to broader themes
The article links gender inequality to broader structural and economic determinants shaped by neoliberal policy and elitist political arrangements, illustrating why feminist mobilization in Chile emphasizes both gendered rights and systemic democracy reform.
It situates Chile within regional and global feminist movements, highlighting how transnational solidarity and shared grievances (e.g., precarity, violence, unequal access to resources) intersect with national struggles for constitutional reform and social protection.
Ethical and practical implications: The authors call for inclusive governance that centers women’s rights and participation in economic planning, education, labor markets, and political institutions; they emphasize the need for sustained coalition building across sectors and generations to achieve meaningful social change.
6. Conclusion
The 1980 Constitution has anchored a political-economic model that hinders broad reductions in inequality, especially gender inequality; this has constrained true democratic participation.
The feminist movement has been pivotal in naming gendered struggles and in mobilizing across movements to confront precarity; this has made feminist politics more visible and necessary for progress.
The inclusion of feminists in Chile’s Constitutional Convention is seen as a meaningful milestone, though not a guarantee of comprehensive transformation; CIPER’s finding that a majority of Convention members include pro-feminist agendas suggests a favorable trajectory for gender-inclusive constitutional reforms.
The movement’s approach represents a pragmatic form of mass politicization that seeks long-term collaboration beyond the constitution itself; the ongoing challenge is to ensure sustained feminist influence in policy and to promote inclusive economic and social development in Chile.
The article closes with a cautious but hopeful note: Chile’s constitutional reform process, shaped by feminist participation, could become a model for regional movements, contingent on sustaining inclusive representation and addressing the structural roots of precarity.