Reclaiming the Role of Rongo – Comprehensive Notes

Page 1 – Introduction & Key Framing

• Focus: re-instating Rongo (Māori god of peace) as a living political-spiritual force and analytic lens.
• Thesis: Invisibility of Rongo ↔ suppression of Indigenous peace traditions & linked to Parihaka’s colonial experience.
• Goal: Replace the label “passive resistance” with a radical, revolutionary non-violent politics grounded in Rongo.
• Structure preview: typology of Rongo → moral impetus → Parihaka pacifist traditions → Day of Reconciliation → theoretical reading of waiata.
• Revolutionary = cultural revitalisation (re-centering Māori deity). Radical = essentialising peace within non-violent resistance.
• Key terms highlighted: Rongo, Parihaka, Pacifism, Indigenous Peace Traditions, Te Whiti o Rongomai, Tohu Kākahi.

Page 2 – Historiography & Context of Parihaka

• Parihaka (est. 1867, Taranaki, Aotearoa NZ) = iconic non-violent community.
• Rich academic record: Buchanan, Cowan, Riseborough, Scott, etc.; but voices of Parihaka people only recently foregrounded (e.g.
2001 art exhibition & book “Parihaka: The Art of Passive Resistance”).
• 9 Jun 2018: Deed of Reconciliation – Te Kawenata o Rongo signed, ending Crown–Parihaka political standoff that began $1867\text{–}2018 = 151\text{ yrs}$.
• 19th-century international attention: 1882 Manchester Guardian on 5 Nov invasion; defamation case Bryce v Rusden over “Bully of Parihaka”.
• Contemporary resurgence of racist literature (Robinson et al. 2013) that maintains white-supremacist discourse.
• Comparative frames: Gandhi, MLK, Irish movements – Rachel Buchanan’s genealogy: Indigenous Aotearoa → Ireland → India → USA.

Page 3 – Founding Narrative of Parihaka

• Founded by prophets Te Whiti o Rongomai & Tohu Kākahi to shelter Māori dispossessed by 1860s land confiscations.
• Preceded by peaceful settlements at Warea, Ngākumikumi, Te Puru, Kēkēua, Waikoukou.
• Government confiscations north of Waingōngoro River not enforced 1865–1878 → space for growth.
• Monthly hui: governance, strategy, cultural maintenance, feasting & waiata → solidified solidarity.

Page 4 – Escalating Confrontations (1870–1878)

• March 1870 meeting w/ govt agent Robert Parris: Te Whiti’s warning re road-building = “thin edge of the wedge”. Quote: “Take the people with you … mind you do not imprison them.”
• Sept 1870: hui of $\approx 1{,}200$ to debate “peace & war with the English”.
• Allied hapū migrate in: Ngāti Rahiri, Ngāti Tūpaea, Ngāti Mutunga (returned ex-Chatham Is.).
• Government tries co-opt chiefs (e.g.
Rewi Maniapoto). Whaitara meeting draws $\approx 5{,}000$; Parihaka absent but sends 30–50 cartloads of food → displays economic power & moral mana.

Page 5 – Survey Pegs & Ploughmen Campaign (1878–1879)

• 1878 Crown surveys = provocation. Hazel Riseborough: reflection of colonial arrogance (quote on “ipso facto” interests).
• Intense correspondence: Te Whiti rejects Crown’s “right of conquest”. Metaphor – blanket cut in half.
• 22 Mar 1879 disastrous Sheehan meeting → 25 May symbolic ploughing of confiscated land at Oakura.
• Arrest wave: 29 Jun 1879 first 11 ploughmen; by 6 Jul $105$ in custody; arrests continue. Charges: malicious injury, forcible entry, riot.

Page 6 – Rā Pāhua (Day of Plunder) & Aftermath

• 5 Nov 1881: John Bryce & William Rolleston lead 1 600 Armed Constabulary + volunteers into Parihaka.
• Scene: singing/dancing children, 2 000 seated adults – no violence. Village destroyed, residents dispersed, prophets arrested.
• Government suppresses documentation until 1883–84.
• Imprisonment: Tohu & Te Whiti held 16 months (Ward 1883). Re-incarcerations 1886 & 1889.
• Economic pivot: Te Whiti introduces money koha – quoted saucer-and-shilling anecdote → monthly 18th/19th commemorations continue.
• Last prisoners home 1898. Both prophets die 1907 → 40-year legacy.

Page 7 – Te Rā o te Haeata (Day of Reconciliation), 9 Jun 2017

• Crown apology text: “The Crown responded to peace with tyranny …”
• Deed Purpose: recognise legacy, acknowledge events, support future. Key elements:
– Legacy statement & apology
– Draft Parihaka Bill
– Parihaka–Crown leaders’ forum
– Relationship agreements (local authorities & agencies)
– Development fund
• Conceptual framing (Schaap 2006): reconciliation as an Arendtian revolutionary moment – initiating new political order, creating “radical break with social order.”
• Emerging projects: Taiepa Tiketike sustainable-energy research; proposal for national Parihaka Day 5 Nov.

Page 8 – Questioning & Typologising Resistance

• Wakeham (2012): resistances are locational & historically specific → beware homogenisation.
• Low & Smith (1996) catalogue Parihaka non-violent tactics across Gene Sharp categories:

1. Protest/Persuasion – speeches, symbols, singing, marches.

2. Social non-co-operation – consumer boycotts, austerity, refusal to leave land, revenue refusal.

3. Political non-co-operation – non-assistance, sit-downs, disobeying illegitimate laws.

4. Non-violent intervention – hunger strikes, obstruction, overloading facilities, alternative institutions, welcoming imprisonment.
   • Raises deeper Indigenous questions: definitions of pacifism? links to mana vs Western ‘power’? conscientious objection in Māori society?

Page 9 – Indigenous Peace-Making & Theoretical Pivot

• Wig (2016): strong traditional institutions → higher capacity for non-violent bargaining; resonates with Taranaki’s peace narratives.
• Māori cosmology: multiple atua. Rongomaraeroa as peace; juxtaposed with Tūmatauenga (war/people).
• Andersen (1940): Māori “lived in religion” before missionaries named it.

Page 10 – Defining Rongo

• Variants: Rongomaraeroa, Rongomātane, Rongo-ā-marae, Rongo-ā-whare, Rongo-taketake, etc.
• Devere et al. (2017) definition: atua of peace & hospitality; presides over whare entrance; governs manaakitanga.
• Conflict-resolution idioms: Hohou te rongo = enter into peace; Rongo-ā-marae enacted by men, Rongo-ā-whare by women (Mead 2003).
• Linguistic duality: Rongo (noun – deity) & rongo (verb – to listen, feel, intuit).
• Contrast: Rongo lacks scripture or moral code; not weaponised for conquest → distinct from Christian or other theological frames.
• Best’s Bay-of-Plenty myth: had Rongo governed, war would be absent; waiata tension between moenga kura (bed of treasure/peace) & moenga toto (bed of blood/war).

Page 11 – Cosmology, Ethics & Tribal Nuance

• Māori ethics closer to virtue ethics (Patterson 1991): “ethics of being” vs rules; reduces stark good/evil binaries.
• Tribal epistemologies: ritual relations between Tū & Rongo differ across iwi. Example: Rongo as de-tapu “whakanoa” via food.
• Vayda’s work on Māori warfare: war functioned to disperse population & exploit environment; underscores why Rongo–Tū cannot be read through simple Western moral dualism.

Page 12 – Preliminary Typology of Rongo (Table Synthesised)

Page 13 – “Passive Resistance” vs Rongo-Driven Non-Violence

• Dick Scott’s phrase “passive resistance” dominates historiography; Ranginui Walker: modus vivendi.
• Conceptual deficit: Gene Sharp’s typology (1959).
• Clements (2015) – Non-violence as imperative; Chenoweth (2014) empirical success rate > violent uprisings.
• Richard Jackson: pacifism = subjugated knowledge; calls for locally organised, agonistic, radically pacifist peace-building model.
• Moral impetus gap: Atack (2001) – moral concern vital for structural change; Rongo provides that Indigenous moral wellspring.
• Personal whakapapa: author’s ancestress Te Parewhairiri named after act of passive resistance.

Page 14 – Waiata as Political Texts (Selections)

1. He Ngeri nā Tohu

Key lines: “Māku te motu, māku te ao!” – assertion of ownership; clay vs iron metaphor (colonial laws will flake).

2. Mōrehu Kore Kai

Feast-arrival song; celebrates survival despite starvation post-Rā Pāhua; sung vigorously to honour resilience.

3. Titiro, Titiro (Huirangi Waikerepuru)

Imagery: casting off Victoria’s cloak (symbolic decolonisation); praises prophets as “Ngā Manu e Rua” (two sacred birds) defeating enemies with peace.
• Function: songs are mnemonic, ritualistic, and vehicles of critical reflection on colonisation.

Page 15 – Intertext: Tāwhiao’s Kupu Whakaari

Quote urging prophets to “Rapua te mea ngaro” (seek what is lost); refers to Psalms of David, tears, and medicinal plants rengarenga & kawariki for growth and healing.

Page 16 – Implications & Forward Trajectory

• Rongo-centric lens offers:
– Indigenous ontology for peace studies
– Moral impetus missing from generic “pacifism”
– Bridge between historic Christianity influence & pre-European spirituality.
• Implementation challenge: younger generation must realise provisions of Te Kawenata o Rongo while honouring tradition.
• International relevance: provides model for decolonial, bottom-up peace-building; opens comparative work with other Indigenous movements.
• Closing invocation: “Ē Rongo whakairihia ake ki runga, tūturu whakamoua kia tīnā, tīnā – Hui ē Tāiki e.”

Page 17 – Numerical & Chronological Quick-Reference

\begin{aligned}
1867 &: \text{Parihaka founded} \[-4pt]
1865\text{–}1878 &: \text{Confiscation north of Waingōngoro not enforced} \[-4pt]
5\,Nov\,1881 &: \text{Rā Pāhua – 1,600 troops, 2,000 seated protestors} \[-4pt]
1898 &: \text{Last prisoners return} \[-4pt]
1907 &: \text{Deaths of Te Whiti & Tohu} \[-4pt]
9\,Jun\,2017 &: \text{Te Rā o te Haeata – Crown apology} \[-4pt]
\end{aligned}

Page 18 – Key Scholars & Works (Selective)

• Histories: Hazel Riseborough Days of Darkness; Dick Scott Ask That Mountain; Buchanan Parihaka Album.
• Pacifism & Non-violence: Gene Sharp (1959); Chenoweth & Stephan (2014); Clements (2015).
• Indigenous Peace: Devere et al. (2017); Mac Ginty & Richmond (2013).
• Cosmology/Ethics: Patterson (1991); Best (1924); Mead (2003).

Page 19 – Ethical, Philosophical & Practical Implications

• Ethical: shifts peace discourse from rule-based morality to virtue/relational ethics embedded in whakapapa.
• Philosophical: demonstrates decolonial option (Mignolo) – privileging Indigenous epistemology.
• Practical: informs legal/policy instruments (Te Kawenata o Rongo; potential Parihaka Day); guides community projects (Taiepa Tiketike renewable energy).

Page 20 – Study Tips & Integrative Connections

1. Map dates & events alongside Rongo typology to see correlation between cosmology & action.

2. Compare Gene Sharp’s categories with Low & Smith’s list to appreciate strategic sophistication.

3. Memorise key waiata verses – often quoted in speeches.

4. Link reconciliation theory (Schaap) with Crown–Parihaka process to evaluate success indicators.

5. Reflect on mana vs power distinction; draft short essay on how Rongo re-articulates ‘pacifism’.

Page 1 – Introduction & Key Framing

• Focus: Re-instating Rongo, the revered Māori god of peace, as a living political-spiritual force and indispensable analytic lens for understanding Indigenous non-violent resistance. Rongo is here re-conceptualized not just as a deity, but as an active principle guiding political action and ethical frameworks.

• Thesis: The pervasive invisibility and historical marginalization of Rongo in academic discourse is directly linked to the colonial suppression of Indigenous peace traditions, particularly evident in the historical narrative and interpretation of Parihaka’s endured colonial experience. This suppression has obscured the foundational spiritual and political tenets of Māori non-violence.

• Goal: To fundamentally displace the reductive and often misleading label “passive resistance” and instead articulate a radical, revolutionary non-violent politics explicitly grounded in the deeply embedded Māori spiritual and cultural traditions of Rongo. This aims to reclaim the agency and intentionality of the Parihaka community’s actions.

• Structure preview: The analysis will proceed with a detailed typology of Rongo to clarify its multifaceted nature and manifestations; investigate its moral impetus derived from Māori cosmology; delve into the specific pacifist traditions enacted at Parihaka; examine the significance of the Day of Reconciliation as a contemporary re-activation of Rongo; and conclude with a theoretical reading of accompanying waiata (songs/chants) as political texts embodying Rongo’s principles.

• Revolutionary = This concept implies a profound cultural revitalisation, achieved by re-centering a Māori deity (Rongo) within the framework of political action, thereby challenging Western-centric notions of revolution. Radical = This signifies the essentialisation of peace not merely as an absence of conflict but as an active, foundational principle inherent within a framework of non-violent resistance, emphasizing its deep Indigenous roots.

• Key terms highlighted: Rongo, Parihaka, Pacifism (re-evaluated through an Indigenous lens), Indigenous Peace Traditions, Te Whiti o Rongomai, and Tohu Kākahi.

Page 2 – Historiography & Context of Parihaka

• Parihaka (established 1867, located in Taranaki, Aotearoa New Zealand) is recognized globally as an iconic non-violent community. It became a beacon of resistance against colonial land confiscations through its steadfast commitment to peace.

• Rich academic record: The history of Parihaka has been extensively documented by scholars such as Buchanan, Cowan, Riseborough, and Scott. However, despite this wealth of material, the voices and perspectives of the Parihaka people themselves have only recently been foregrounded in academic and public discourse. A significant turning point was the 2001 art exhibition and accompanying book titled “Parihaka: The Art of Passive Resistance,” which began to shift the narrative towards Indigenous agency.

• 9 Jun 2018: A landmark Deed of Reconciliation – Te Kawenata o Rongo was signed between the Crown and Parihaka. This significant agreement formally ended a political standoff that had persisted for an astonishing $151 ext{ yrs}$, beginning in 1867 and concluding in 2018. The signing acknowledged the historical injustices and marked a commitment to redress.

• 19th-century international attention: The events at Parihaka garnered international scrutiny. The 1882 Manchester Guardian, for instance, reported on the invasion of 5 November, highlighting the disproportionate force used against a peaceful community. Lord Bryce’s defamation case against Rusden over the epithet “Bully of Parihaka” further exemplifies the global reverberations of the Crown’s actions.

• Contemporary resurgence: Disturbingly, contemporary racist literature (e.g., Robinson et al. 2013) continues to emerge, perpetuating and maintaining white-supremacist discourse that attempts to delegitimize the Parihaka narrative and Indigenous rights.

• Comparative frames: The non-violent strategies of Parihaka hold strong parallels with other global movements, including those led by Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., as well as Irish resistance movements. Rachel Buchanan’s genealogical analysis specifically traces a lineage of influence: from Indigenous Aotearoa (Parihaka) → to Ireland → to India → to the USA, suggesting a global flow of non-violent methodologies.

Page 3 – Founding Narrative of Parihaka

• Parihaka was founded by the visionary prophets Te Whiti o Rongomai and Tohu Kākahi in 1867. Their primary motivation was to establish a sanctuary and provide shelter for thousands of Māori who had been dispossessed of their ancestral lands during the extensive 1860s land confiscations following the Taranaki Wars. The community intended to reclaim and re-establish Māori autonomy and cultural integrity.

• Preceded by peaceful settlements: The establishment of Parihaka was not an isolated event but built upon a history of prior peaceful settlements initiated by the prophets, including those at Warea, Ngākumikumi, Te Puru, Kēkēua, and Waikoukou. These earlier communities were foundational in developing the principles and practices of non-violent resistance that would later define Parihaka.

• Government confiscations: Significantly, the government’s proclamations of land confiscations north of the Waingōngoro River were not rigorously enforced between 1865 and 1878. This protracted period of non-enforcement inadvertently created a vital temporal and geographical space that allowed the Parihaka community to flourish, attracting thousands of Māori seeking refuge and a new way of life based on peace and self-sufficiency.

• Monthly hui: The community’s social and political cohesion was meticulously maintained through regular monthly hui (gatherings). These meetings served as crucial forums for governance, strategic planning for resistance, cultural maintenance through shared knowledge and rituals, large-scale feasting (hakari), and the performance of waiata. These elements collectively solidified community solidarity and reinforced their shared commitment to peace.

Page 4 – Escalating Confrontations (1870–1878)

• March 1870 meeting: Te Whiti o Rongomai met with government agent Robert Parris. During this encounter, Te Whiti issued a prophetic warning regarding the Crown’s planned road-building through confiscated lands, describing it as the “thin edge of the wedge.” This metaphor conveyed his understanding that seemingly minor incursions were precursors to broader and more aggressive colonial encroachment. He famously stated: “Take the people with you … mind you do not imprison them,” warning Parris against coercive tactics and advocating for a just and inclusive approach.

• Sept 1870 hui: A significant hui assembled approximately $1{,}200$ people to collectively debate the critical question of “peace & war with the English.” This demonstrates the community’s commitment to democratic internal decision-making and their deep consideration for the consequences of their actions, highlighting their preference for non-violent resolution.

• Allied hapū migration: As word of Parihaka’s peaceful resistance spread, various allied hapū (sub-tribes) migrated to the settlement, swelling its population and strengthening its resolve. Notable arrivals included sections of Ngāti Rahiri, Ngāti Tūpaea, and members of Ngāti Mutunga who had returned from their forced exile on the Chatham Islands, seeking sanctuary and solidarity at Parihaka.

• Government attempts to co-opt chiefs: The colonial government actively attempted to undermine Parihaka’s influence by trying to co-opt influential Māori chiefs, such as Rewi Maniapoto, into supporting Crown policies. This strategy aimed to divide and conquer Māori resistance.

• Whaitara meeting: A large meeting at Whaitara drew approximately $5{,}000$ attendees, indicating the widespread engagement with the issues of land and sovereignty. Although Parihaka leaders were absent, their influence was profound. They sent a colossal contribution of 30–50 cartloads of food, an act that showcased both their exceptional economic capacity (demonstrating the fertility and productivity of their lands cultivated peacefully) and their significant moral mana (prestige and spiritual authority), reinforcing their position as a leading Māori community.

Page 5 – Survey Pegs & Ploughmen Campaign (1878–1879)

• 1878 Crown surveys: The resumption of Crown land surveys in 1878 on lands considered confiscated, but still occupied and actively cultivated by Māori, served as a direct provocation. Hazel Riseborough succinctly describes this action as a reflection of profound colonial arrogance, noting that the Crown’s actions implicitly assumed an “ipso facto” right to Māori land interests merely by declaration, without regard for customary ownership or peaceful occupation.

• Intense correspondence: Te Whiti o Rongomai engaged in a period of intense correspondence with colonial officials, unequivocally rejecting the Crown’s assertion of a “right of conquest” over Māori lands. He powerfully articulated his stance using the metaphor of a blanket cut in half, signifying that the Crown’s attempt to divide and claim Māori land was an act of profound injustice that severed the integrity of Māori life and identity.

• 22 Mar 1879 Sheehan meeting: A crucial meeting with Native Minister John Sheehan on 22 March 1879 proved disastrous, failing to resolve the land dispute peacefully. Following this impasse, on 25 May, Parihaka initiated its symbolic and highly public act of resistance: the ploughing of confiscated land at Oakura. This action was a deliberate reassertion of Māori sovereignty and stewardship over their ancestral territories.

• Arrest wave: The ploughing campaign triggered a massive wave of arrests designed to suppress the non-violent resistance. The first 11 ploughmen were arrested on 29 June 1879. By 6 July, $105$ individuals were in custody, and arrests continued relentlessly throughout the campaign. The charges laid against them—malicious injury, forcible entry, and riot—were designed to criminalize acts of peaceful protest and legitimate land reclamation.

Page 6 – Rā Pāhua (Day of Plunder) & Aftermath

• 5 Nov 1881: On this infamous day, Native Minister John Bryce and Colonel William Rolleston led a substantial force of 1,600 Armed Constabulary and volunteers in a military invasion of Parihaka. This well-armed colonial force marched directly into the heart of the peaceful settlement, demonstrating overwhelming state power.

• Scene: In a testament to their unwavering commitment to non-violence, the Parihaka community met the armed invasion with extraordinary calm. Children sang and danced, while approximately 2,000 adults sat silently, offering no resistance. The scene was marked by profound dignity and a complete absence of violence from the Māori side, starkly contrasting with the aggressive posture of the invading forces. Despite this, the village was systematically destroyed, homes razed, crops ruined, and residents forcibly dispersed.

• Government suppresses documentation: Following the invasion, the government actively suppressed and minimized official documentation of the events and the subsequent treatment of the Parihaka people. This suppression of information continued until 1883–84, aiming to control the narrative and obscure the brutality of the raid from public knowledge.

• Imprisonment: Prophets Tohu Kākahi and Te Whiti o Rongomai were immediately arrested and held for 16 months (detailed by Ward in 1883), often without trial under special legislation. Their imprisonment, which included being paraded around the South Island as a public spectacle, aimed to break their spiritual authority. They faced further re-incarcerations in 1886 and 1889, illustrating the Crown’s persistent efforts to crush the movement.

• Economic pivot: In response to sustained economic hardship and colonial pressure, Te Whiti innovated an economic pivot by introducing a system of money koha (voluntary contributions). This pragmatic adjustment is famously illustrated by the saucer-and-shilling anecdote, which describes collecting small monetary donations. This system ensured the community's economic survival and allowed for the continuity of the vital monthly 18th/19th commemorations, which continue to this day as a powerful symbol of remembrance and resilience.

• Last prisoners home: The last of the Parihaka prisoners, many of whom endured years of forced labor and unjust incarceration, finally returned home in 1898. Both prophets, Te Whiti and Tohu, passed away in 1907, leaving behind a profound 40-year legacy of non-violent resistance and spiritual leadership that continues to inspire.

Page 7 – Te Rā o te Haeata (Day of Reconciliation), 9 Jun 2017

• Crown apology text: A pivotal moment in the reconciliation process occurred on 9 June 2017 with the formal Crown apology, which included the poignant acknowledgment: “The Crown responded to peace with tyranny…” This statement represented a significant, albeit long-delayed, admission of culpability for the injustices inflicted upon Parihaka.

• Deed Purpose: The Deed of Reconciliation aimed to officially recognize the historical legacy of Parihaka, acknowledge the profound injustices and events that transpired, and cooperatively support the community’s future development and well-being. Its key elements include:

  • A detailed legacy statement and formal Crown apology for past wrongs.

  • The drafting of a specific Parihaka Bill to give legal effect to aspects of the reconciliation.

  • The establishment of a Parihaka–Crown leaders’ forum to ensure ongoing dialogue and collaboration at a high level.

  • Formal relationship agreements with local authorities and government agencies to ensure coordinated support.

  • The provision of a dedicated development fund to assist Parihaka in realizing its community aspirations and future projects.

• Conceptual framing: Drawing on the work of political theorist Anna Arendt, Schaap (2006) proposes that reconciliation can be understood as an Arendtian revolutionary moment. This perspective frames reconciliation not merely as conflict resolution but as a transformative act that initiates a new political order, creating a “radical break with social order” and fundamentally altering historical power dynamics and relationships.

• Emerging projects: The reconciliation process has spurred new initiatives, including Taiepa Tiketike, a sustainable-energy research project that embodies Parihaka’s commitment to self-sufficiency and environmental stewardship. There is also an ongoing proposal for a national Parihaka Day on 5 November, which would formally commemorate the invasion and honor the community’s enduring peace legacy across Aotearoa New Zealand.

Page 8 – Questioning & Typologising Resistance

• Wakeham (2012): Emphasizes that forms of resistance are inherently locational and historically specific, meaning they are deeply embedded in their unique cultural, geographical, and temporal contexts. This perspective cautions against the homogenisation of resistance movements, advocating for approaches that respect indigenous epistemologies and practices.

• Low & Smith (1996) catalogue Parihaka non-violent tactics across Gene Sharp’s widely recognized categories:

  1. Protest/Persuasion: This category includes public speeches by the prophets, symbolic gestures (like placing a white feather), community singing (waiata) to bolster morale and convey messages, and organized marches or demonstrations.

  2. Social non-co-operation: Tactics here involved consumer boycotts, practices of austerity within the community, steadfast refusal to abandon their occupied lands (despite confiscation), and the collective refusal to pay unjust revenue or taxes to the colonial government.

  3. Political non-co-operation: This encompassed non-assistance to colonial authorities, organized sit-downs to impede government operations or surveys, and the open disobedience of laws deemed illegitimate or unjust by the Parihaka leadership.

  4. Non-violent intervention: More direct actions included hunger strikes (e.g., in prison), physical obstruction of surveyors or road-builders, deliberately overloading colonial facilities (such as prisons by mass arrests), establishing alternative parallel institutions (like their own judiciary), and welcoming imprisonment as a defiant act of solidarity and moral victory.

• Raises deeper Indigenous questions: This typology prompts critical inquiry into Indigenous understandings of non-violence. It asks how Māori definitions of pacifism might differ from Western interpretations, explores the intricate links between non-violence and the concept of mana (status, spiritual power, authority) versus Western notions of ‘power’ (often coercive), and investigates the historical presence and nature of conscientious objection within pre-colonial and colonial Māori society.

Page 9 – Indigenous Peace-Making & Theoretical Pivot

• Wig (2016): Argues that societies with strong traditional institutions often exhibit a higher capacity for non-violent bargaining and conflict resolution. This theoretical insight strongly resonates with the historical peace narratives and established social structures within the Taranaki region, where the Parihaka community drew upon deep-seated cultural traditions of peace-making.

• Māori cosmology: Within Māori cosmology, the universe is governed by multiple atua (deities). Rongomaraeroa (often shortened to Rongo) is explicitly associated with peace, cultivation, and the sustenance of life, symbolizing harmony. This is often juxtaposed with Tūmatauenga (or Tū), the atua of war, humanity, and fierce action. The dynamic interplay between these two deities encapsulates the inherent tension and balance between conflict and peace within Māori thought.

• Andersen (1940): Noted that Māori essentially “lived in religion” before the arrival of missionaries. This observation underscores that Māori spirituality was not a separate, compartmentalized belief system but was intrinsically woven into the fabric of daily life, social organization, ethics, and political action, including their practices of peace.

Page 10 – Defining Rongo

• Variants: The deity Rongo appears in various nuanced forms and names across different tribal traditions, including Rongomaraeroa, Rongomātane, Rongo-ā-marae, Rongo-ā-whare, Rongo-taketake, among others. Each variant emphasizes a particular aspect or domain of Rongo’s influence, from everyday peace to agricultural bounty and specific human interactions.

• Devere et al. (2017) definition: They define Rongo as an atua embodying peace and hospitality. Rongo traditionally presides over the entrance of the whare (meeting house), symbolizing its role in welcoming visitors and maintaining peace within the community. Furthermore, Rongo is closely associated with governing manaakitanga (hospitality, generosity, care for others), which is a fundamental Māori value indispensable for fostering harmonious relationships.

• Conflict-resolution idioms: Māori language provides rich idioms reflecting Rongo's role in peace-making. Hohou te rongo literally means

Page 1 – Introduction & Key Framing

• Focus: Re-instating Rongo, the revered Māori god of peace, as a living political-spiritual force and indispensable analytic lens for understanding Indigenous non-violent resistance. Rongo is here re-conceptualized not just as a deity, but as an active principle guiding political action and ethical frameworks.

• Thesis: The pervasive invisibility and historical marginalization of Rongo in academic discourse is directly linked to the colonial suppression of Indigenous peace traditions, particularly evident in the historical narrative and interpretation of Parihaka’s endured colonial experience. This suppression has obscured the foundational spiritual and political tenets of Māori non-violence.

• Goal: To fundamentally displace the reductive and often misleading label “passive resistance” and instead articulate a radical, revolutionary non-violent politics explicitly grounded in the deeply embedded Māori spiritual and cultural traditions of Rongo. This aims to reclaim the agency and intentionality of the Parihaka community’s actions.

• Structure preview: The analysis will proceed with a detailed typology of Rongo to clarify its multifaceted nature and manifestations; investigate its moral impetus derived from Māori cosmology; delve into the specific pacifist traditions enacted at Parihaka; examine the significance of the Day of Reconciliation as a contemporary re-activation of Rongo; and conclude with a theoretical reading of accompanying waiata (songs/chants) as political texts embodying Rongo’s principles.

• Revolutionary = This concept implies a profound cultural revitalisation, achieved by re-centering a Māori deity (Rongo) within the framework of political action, thereby challenging Western-centric notions of revolution. Radical = This signifies the essentialisation of peace not merely as an absence of conflict but as an active, foundational principle inherent within a framework of non-violent resistance, emphasizing its deep Indigenous roots.

• Key terms highlighted: Rongo, Parihaka, Pacifism (re-evaluated through an Indigenous lens), Indigenous Peace Traditions, Te Whiti o Rongomai, and Tohu Kākahi.

Page 2 – Historiography & Context of Parihaka

• Parihaka (established 1867, located in Taranaki, Aotearoa New Zealand) is recognized globally as an iconic non-violent community. It became a beacon of resistance against colonial land confiscations through its steadfast commitment to peace.

• Rich academic record: The history of Parihaka has been extensively documented by scholars such as Buchanan, Cowan, Riseborough, and Scott. However, despite this wealth of material, the voices and perspectives of the Parihaka people themselves have only recently been foregrounded in academic and public discourse. A significant turning point was the 2001 art exhibition and accompanying book titled “Parihaka: The Art of Passive Resistance,” which began to shift the narrative towards Indigenous agency.

• 9 Jun 2018: A landmark Deed of Reconciliation – Te Kawenata o Rongo was signed between the Crown and Parihaka. This significant agreement formally ended a political standoff that had persisted for an astonishing $151 \text{ yrs}$, beginning in 1867 and concluding in 2018. The signing acknowledged the historical injustices and marked a commitment to redress.

• 19th-century international attention: The events at Parihaka garnered international scrutiny. The 1882 Manchester Guardian, for instance, reported on the invasion of 5 November, highlighting the disproportionate force used against a peaceful community. Lord Bryce’s defamation case against Rusden over the epithet “Bully of Parihaka” further exemplifies the global reverberations of the Crown’s actions.

• Contemporary resurgence: Disturbingly, contemporary racist literature (e.g., Robinson et al. 2013) continues to emerge, perpetuating and maintaining white-supremacist discourse that attempts to delegitimize the Parihaka narrative and Indigenous rights.

• Comparative frames: The non-violent strategies of Parihaka hold strong parallels with other global movements, including those led by Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., as well as Irish resistance movements. Rachel Buchanan’s genealogical analysis specifically traces a lineage of influence: from Indigenous Aotearoa (Parihaka) → to Ireland → to India → to the USA, suggesting a global flow of non-violent methodologies.

Page 3 – Founding Narrative of Parihaka

• Parihaka was founded by the visionary prophets Te Whiti o Rongomai and Tohu Kākahi in 1867. Their primary motivation was to establish a sanctuary and provide shelter for thousands of Māori who had been dispossessed of their ancestral lands during the extensive 1860s land confiscations following the Taranaki Wars. The community intended to reclaim and re-establish Māori autonomy and cultural integrity.

• Preceded by peaceful settlements: The establishment of Parihaka was not an isolated event but built upon a history of prior peaceful settlements initiated by the prophets, including those at Warea, Ngākumikumi, Te Puru, Kēkēua, and Waikoukou. These earlier communities were foundational in developing the principles and practices of non-violent resistance that would later define Parihaka.

• Government confiscations: Significantly, the government’s proclamations of land confiscations north of the Waingōngoro River were not rigorously enforced between 1865 and 1878. This protracted period of non-enforcement inadvertently created a vital temporal and geographical space that allowed the Parihaka community to flourish, attracting thousands of Māori seeking refuge and a new way of life based on peace and self-sufficiency.

• Monthly hui: The community’s social and political cohesion was meticulously maintained through regular monthly hui (gatherings). These meetings served as crucial forums for governance, strategic planning for resistance, cultural maintenance through shared knowledge and rituals, large-scale feasting (hakari), and the performance of waiata. These elements collectively solidified community solidarity and reinforced their shared commitment to peace.

Page 4 – Escalating Confrontations (1870–1878)

• March 1870 meeting: Te Whiti o Rongomai met with government agent Robert Parris. During this encounter, Te Whiti issued a prophetic warning regarding the Crown’s planned road-building through confiscated lands, describing it as the “thin edge of the wedge.” This metaphor conveyed his understanding that seemingly minor incursions were precursors to broader and more aggressive colonial encroachment. He famously stated: “Take the people with you … mind you do not imprison them,” warning Parris against coercive tactics and advocating for a just and inclusive approach.

• Sept 1870 hui: A significant hui assembled approximately $1{,}200$ people to collectively debate the critical question of “peace & war with the English.” This demonstrates the community’s commitment to democratic internal decision-making and their deep consideration for the consequences of their actions, highlighting their preference for non-violent resolution.

• Allied hapū migration: As word of Parihaka’s peaceful resistance spread, various allied hapū (sub-tribes) migrated to the settlement, swelling its population and strengthening its resolve. Notable arrivals included sections of Ngāti Rahiri, Ngāti Tūpaea, and members of Ngāti Mutunga who had returned from their forced exile on the Chatham Islands, seeking sanctuary and solidarity at Parihaka.

• Government attempts to co-opt chiefs: The colonial government actively attempted to undermine Parihaka’s influence by trying to co-opt influential Māori chiefs, such as Rewi Maniapoto, into supporting Crown policies. This strategy aimed to divide and conquer Māori resistance.

• Whaitara meeting: A large meeting at Whaitara drew approximately $5{,}000$ attendees, indicating the widespread engagement with the issues of land and sovereignty. Although Parihaka leaders were absent, their influence was profound. They sent a colossal contribution of 30–50 cartloads of food, an act that showcased both their exceptional economic capacity (demonstrating the fertility and productivity of their lands cultivated peacefully) and their significant moral mana (prestige and spiritual authority), reinforcing their position as a leading Māori community.

Page 5 – Survey Pegs & Ploughmen Campaign (1878–1879)

• 1878 Crown surveys: The resumption of Crown land surveys in 1878 on lands considered confiscated, but still occupied and actively cultivated by Māori, served as a direct provocation. Hazel Riseborough succinctly describes this action as a reflection of profound colonial arrogance, noting that the Crown’s actions implicitly assumed an “ipso facto” right to Māori land interests merely by declaration, without regard for customary ownership or peaceful occupation.

• Intense correspondence: Te Whiti o Rongomai engaged in a period of intense correspondence with colonial officials, unequivocally rejecting the Crown’s assertion of a “right of conquest” over Māori lands. He powerfully articulated his stance using the metaphor of a blanket cut in half, signifying that the Crown’s attempt to divide and claim Māori land was an act of profound injustice that severed the integrity of Māori life and identity.

• 22 Mar 1879 Sheehan meeting: A crucial meeting with Native Minister John Sheehan on 22 March 1879 proved disastrous, failing to resolve the land dispute peacefully. Following this impasse, on 25 May, Parihaka initiated its symbolic and highly public act of resistance: the ploughing of confiscated land at Oakura. This action was a deliberate reassertion of Māori sovereignty and stewardship over their ancestral territories.

• Arrest wave: The ploughing campaign triggered a massive wave of arrests designed to suppress the non-violent resistance. The first 11 ploughmen were arrested on 29 June 1879. By 6 July, $105$ individuals were in custody, and arrests continued relentlessly throughout the campaign. The charges laid against them—malicious injury, forcible entry, and riot—were designed to criminalize acts of peaceful protest and legitimate land reclamation.

Page 6 – Rā Pāhua (Day of Plunder) & Aftermath

• 5 Nov 1881: On this infamous day, Native Minister John Bryce and Colonel William Rolleston led a substantial force of 1,600 Armed Constabulary and volunteers in a military invasion of Parihaka. This well-armed colonial force marched directly into the heart of the peaceful settlement, demonstrating overwhelming state power.

• Scene: In a testament to their unwavering commitment to non-violence, the Parihaka community met the armed invasion with extraordinary calm. Children sang and danced, while approximately 2,000 adults sat silently, offering no resistance. The scene was marked by profound dignity and a complete absence of violence from the Māori side, starkly contrasting with the aggressive posture of the invading forces. Despite this, the village was systematically destroyed, homes razed, crops ruined, and residents forcibly dispersed.

• Government suppresses documentation: Following the invasion, the government actively suppressed and minimized official documentation of the events and the subsequent treatment of the Parihaka people. This suppression of information continued until 1883–84, aiming to control the narrative and obscure the brutality of the raid from public knowledge.

• Imprisonment: Prophets Tohu Kākahi and Te Whiti o Rongomai were immediately arrested and held for 16 months (detailed by Ward in 1883), often without trial under special legislation. Their imprisonment, which included being paraded around the South Island as a public spectacle, aimed to break their spiritual authority. They faced further re-incarcerations in 1886 and 1889, illustrating the Crown’s persistent efforts to crush the movement.

• Economic pivot: In response to sustained economic hardship and colonial pressure, Te Whiti innovated an economic pivot by introducing a system of money koha (voluntary contributions). This pragmatic adjustment is famously illustrated by the saucer-and-shilling anecdote, which describes collecting small monetary donations. This system ensured the community's economic survival and allowed for the continuity of the vital monthly 18th/19th commemorations, which continue to this day as a powerful symbol of remembrance and resilience.

• Last prisoners home: The last of the Parihaka prisoners, many of whom endured years of forced labor and unjust incarceration, finally returned home in 1898. Both prophets, Te Whiti and Tohu, passed away in 1907, leaving behind a profound 40-year legacy of non-violent resistance and spiritual leadership that continues to inspire.

Page 7 – Te Rā o te Haeata (Day of Reconciliation), 9 Jun 2017

• Crown apology text: A pivotal moment in the reconciliation process occurred on 9 June 2017 with the formal Crown apology, which included the poignant acknowledgment: “The Crown responded to peace with tyranny…” This statement represented a significant, albeit long-delayed, admission of culpability for the injustices inflicted upon Parihaka.

• Deed Purpose: The Deed of Reconciliation aimed to officially recognize the historical legacy of Parihaka, acknowledge the profound injustices and events that transpired, and cooperatively support the community’s future development and well-being. Its key elements include:

  • A detailed legacy statement and formal Crown apology for past wrongs.

  • The drafting of a specific Parihaka Bill to give legal effect to aspects of the reconciliation.

  • The establishment of a Parihaka–Crown leaders’ forum to ensure ongoing dialogue and collaboration at a high level.

  • Formal relationship agreements with local authorities and government agencies to ensure coordinated support.

  • The provision of a dedicated development fund to assist Parihaka in realizing its community aspirations and future projects.

• Conceptual framing: Drawing on the work of political theorist Anna Arendt, Schaap (2006) proposes that reconciliation can be understood as an Arendtian revolutionary moment. This perspective frames reconciliation not merely as conflict resolution but as a transformative act that initiates a new political order, creating a “radical break with social order” and fundamentally altering historical power dynamics and relationships.

• Emerging projects: The reconciliation process has spurred new initiatives, including Taiepa Tiketike, a sustainable-energy research project that embodies Parihaka’s commitment to self-sufficiency and environmental stewardship. There is also an ongoing proposal for a national Parihaka Day on 5 November, which would formally commemorate the invasion and honor the community’s enduring peace legacy across Aotearoa New Zealand.

Page 8 – Questioning & Typologising Resistance

• Wakeham (2012): Emphasizes that forms of resistance are inherently locational and historically specific, meaning they are deeply embedded in their unique cultural, geographical, and temporal contexts. This perspective cautions against the homogenisation of resistance movements, advocating for approaches that respect indigenous epistemologies and practices.

• Low & Smith (1996) catalogue Parihaka non-violent tactics across Gene Sharp’s widely recognized categories:

  1. Protest/Persuasion: This category includes public speeches by the prophets, symbolic gestures (like placing a white feather), community singing (waiata) to bolster morale and convey messages, and organized marches or demonstrations.

  2. Social non-co-operation: Tactics here involved consumer boycotts, practices of austerity within the community, steadfast refusal to abandon their occupied lands (despite confiscation), and the collective refusal to pay unjust revenue or taxes to the colonial government.

  3. Political non-co-operation: This encompassed non-assistance to colonial authorities, organized sit-downs to impede government operations or surveys, and the open disobedience of laws deemed illegitimate or unjust by the Parihaka leadership.

  4. Non-violent intervention: More direct actions included hunger strikes (e.g., in prison), physical obstruction of surveyors or road-builders, deliberately overloading colonial facilities (such as prisons by mass arrests), establishing alternative parallel institutions (like their own judiciary), and welcoming imprisonment as a defiant act of solidarity and moral victory.

• Raises deeper Indigenous questions: This typology prompts critical inquiry into Indigenous understandings of non-violence. It asks how Māori definitions of pacifism might differ from Western interpretations, explores the intricate links between non-violence and the concept of mana (status, spiritual power, authority) versus Western notions of ‘power’ (often coercive), and investigates the historical presence and nature of conscientious objection within pre-colonial and colonial Māori society.

Page 9 – Indigenous Peace-Making & Theoretical Pivot

• Wig (2016): Argues that societies with strong traditional institutions often exhibit a higher capacity for non-violent bargaining and conflict resolution. This theoretical insight strongly resonates with the historical peace narratives and established social structures within the Taranaki region, where the Parihaka community drew upon deep-seated cultural traditions of peace-making.

• Māori cosmology: Within Māori cosmology, the universe is governed by multiple atua (deities). Rongomaraeroa (often shortened to Rongo) is explicitly associated with peace, cultivation, and the sustenance of life, symbolizing harmony. This is often juxtaposed with Tūmatauenga (or Tū), the atua of war, humanity, and fierce action. The dynamic interplay between these two deities encapsulates the inherent tension and balance between conflict and peace within Māori thought.

• Andersen (1940): Noted that Māori essentially “lived in religion” before the arrival of missionaries. This observation underscores that Māori spirituality was not a separate, compartmentalized belief system but was intrinsically woven into the fabric of daily life, social organization, ethics, and political action, including their practices of peace.

Page 10 – Defining Rongo

• Variants: The deity Rongo appears in various nuanced forms and names across different tribal traditions, including Rongomaraeroa, Rongomātane, Rongo-ā-marae, Rongo-ā-whare, Rongo-taketake, among others. Each variant emphasizes a particular aspect or domain of Rongo’s influence, from everyday peace to agricultural bounty and specific human interactions.

• Devere et al. (2017) definition: They define Rongo as an atua embodying peace and hospitality. Rongo traditionally presides over the entrance of the whare (meeting house), symbolizing its role in welcoming visitors and maintaining peace within the community. Furthermore, Rongo is closely associated with governing manaakitanga (hospitality, generosity, care for others), which is a fundamental Māori value indispensable for fostering harmonious relationships.

• Conflict-resolution idioms: Māori language provides rich idioms reflecting Rongo's role in peace-making. Hohou te rongo literally means “to enter into peace” or to make peace. This idiom signifies the active process of seeking and establishing harmony. Meanwhile, Rongo-ā-marae refers to peace enacted in the public domain, typically by men in the marae (communal meeting grounds), focusing on inter-group relations. Conversely, Rongo-ā-whare denotes peace maintained within the private, domestic sphere, often enacted by women, focusing on family and household harmony (Mead 2003).

• Linguistic duality: The term “Rongo” itself holds a significant linguistic duality in Māori. As a proper noun, Rongo refers to the deity of peace. As a common noun or verb, rongo translates to “to listen,” “to hear,” “to feel,” or “to intuit.” This duality suggests that inner peace and the capacity for peace-making are intrinsically linked to deep listening, empathy, and intuitive understanding.

• Contrast: Rongo fundamentally differs from many Western or Abrahamic theological frames. Crucially, Rongo lacks a prescribed scripture or rigid moral code, and its principles were not weaponised for conquest or territorial expansion. This distinction highlights Rongo as a spiritual guiding force for internal harmony and sustainable living, rather than a tool for dominance.

• Best’s Bay-of-Plenty myth: Elsdon Best (1924) recounted a Bay-of-Plenty myth positing that had Rongo (peace) governed solely, warfare would have been entirely absent from the Māori world. This myth underscores the aspirational ideal of absolute peace. Furthermore, Māori waiata often express the profound tension between moenga kura (a bed of treasure or peace, symbolizing prosperity and safety) and moenga toto (a bed of blood or war, symbolizing conflict and loss), reflecting the enduring human struggle between these two states.

Page 11 – Cosmology, Ethics & Tribal Nuance

• Māori ethics closer to virtue ethics (Patterson 1991): Māori ethical systems are more akin to Western virtue ethics than to rule-based moralities. They emphasize an “ethics of being”—focusing on the character, virtues, and relationships of an individual and community rather than adherence to strict, universal rules. This approach inherently reduces stark good/evil binaries, instead promoting a holistic understanding of actions within context.

• Tribal epistemologies: The ritual relations and interpretations of Tū (war) and Rongo (peace) vary significantly across different iwi (tribes), reflecting diverse tribal epistemologies and historical experiences. For instance, in some iwi, Rongo functions as a de-tapu (sacredness-removing) force, known as “whakanoa,” often through the offering and consumption of food. This act of sharing food is a powerful symbol of communal harmony and the active de-escalation of conflict or tension.

• Vayda’s work on Māori warfare: Andrew Vayda’s (1976) research on traditional Māori warfare (e.g., in Maori Warfare) suggests that war functioned not merely as conflict but also ecologically, to disperse populations and manage the exploitation of environmental resources. This perspective underscores why the Rongo–Tū dynamic cannot be read through a simple, dualistic Western moral lens of good versus evil. Instead, their relationship is a complex interplay reflecting human and environmental realities.

Page 12 – Preliminary Typology of Rongo (Table Synthesised)

Page 13 – “Passive Resistance” vs Rongo-Driven Non-Violence

• Dick Scott’s phrase “passive resistance” has historically dominated the historiography of Parihaka (e.g., in Ask That Mountain). However, prominent Māori scholar Ranginui Walker criticized this term, preferring modus vivendi (a way of living) to describe the community's principled approach, recognizing its active nature.

• Conceptual deficit: Traditional Western typologies, such as Gene Sharp’s seminal work (1959) on non-violent action, while useful, often present a conceptual deficit when applied uncritically to Indigenous contexts. They may not fully capture the spiritual and cultural underpinnings that motivate such resistance.

• Clements (2015) – Non-violence as imperative; Chenoweth (2014) empirical success rate > violent uprisings: Contemporary peace scholars like Kevin Clements (2015) argue for non-violence as a moral and strategic imperative. Erica Chenoweth's (2014) empirical research demonstrates that non-violent civil resistance campaigns have a significantly higher success rate than violent uprisings, lending robust analytical support to the efficacy of movements like Parihaka.

• Richard Jackson: Richard Jackson (2007), a critical peace scholar, identifies pacifism as “subjugated knowledge”—meaning it has been historically marginalized or dismissed within dominant political discourse. He advocates for the development of locally organised, agonistic, radically pacifist peace-building models that challenge state-centric power and are rooted in Indigenous or community-specific contexts.

• Moral impetus gap: Atack (2001) posits that a strong moral concern is vital for achieving structural change in non-violent movements. The framework of Rongo provides precisely that—an profound Indigenous moral wellspring and spiritual justification that elevates the Parihaka resistance beyond mere tactical inaction to a deeply principled and culturally grounded stance.

• Personal whakapapa: The author notes a personal connection, with an ancestress, Te Parewhairiri, named after an act of passive resistance. This highlights the intergenerational transmission of non-violent principles and the enduring legacy within Māori families.

Page 14 – Waiata as Political Texts (Selections)

1. He Ngeri nā Tohu

• Key lines: “Māku te motu, māku te ao!” (“The land is mine, the world is mine!”) – This powerful assertion by Tohu Kākahi demonstrates a radical assertion of ownership and sovereignty in the face of colonial confiscation. The song employs a compelling clay versus iron metaphor, suggesting that colonial laws, likened to brittle iron, will ultimately flake and shatter when confronted by the enduring, pliable, and deep-rooted Indigenous connection to the land (clay).

2. Mōrehu Kore Kai

• This is a feast-arrival song, typically sung with great vigor and emotion. It celebrates the community's miraculous survival and resilience despite the profound starvation and destruction they endured post-Rā Pāhua (the Day of Plunder). The act of singing this waiata during times of hunger or hardship serves to collectively honour and reinforce the Parihaka people's unwavering spirit and their commitment to endure.

3. Titiro, Titiro (Huirangi Waikerepuru)

• Imagery: This waiata features potent imagery, such as casting off Victoria’s cloak, which is a powerful symbolic act of decolonisation, explicitly rejecting British colonial authority personified by Queen Victoria. The song profoundly praises the prophets Te Whiti and Tohu as “Ngā Manu e Rua” (the two sacred birds), portraying them as divine agents who, through the power of spiritual peace, metaphorically defeat their enemies and overcome oppression. Their spiritual authority triumphs over physical force.

• Function: Across these examples, waiata function as multifaceted political texts. They are mnemonic devices, transmitting historical memory and cultural knowledge across generations. They are ritualistic, performed in community gatherings to reaffirm identity and solidarity. Crucially, they serve as powerful vehicles of critical reflection on colonisation, articulating Māori perspectives, grievances, and aspirations within a culturally resonant framework.

Page 15 – Intertext: Tāwhiao’s Kupu Whakaari

• A significant intertextual link is found in the kupu whakaari (prophetic sayings) of King Tāwhiao, the second Māori King. One such quote urges the prophets of Parihaka to “Rapua te mea ngaro” (“seek what is lost” or “seek the hidden knowledge”). This prophetic guidance connects deeply with spiritual principles and resilience. The prophecy further refers metaphorically to the Psalms of David (symbolizing lament and spiritual solace), tears (representing suffering and purification), and mentions specific indigenous medicinal plants such as rengarenga (New Zealand lily) and kawariki (a native herb). These plants are invoked as symbols of persistent growth, healing, and spiritual sustenance, indicating that even in despair, there are inherent resources for renewal and strength within the land and the spirit.

Page 16 – Implications & Forward Trajectory

• Rongo-centric lens offers: Adopting a Rongo-centric lens for analyzing peace and resistance offers several profound benefits:

  • An Indigenous ontology for peace studies: It provides a unique, culturally grounded framework for understanding peace that originates from Māori cosmological principles, distinct from Western paradigms.

  • Moral impetus missing from generic “pacifism”: It injects a deep moral and spiritual drive into the concept of non-violence, moving beyond a purely tactical or pragmatic understanding of pacifism.

  • Bridge between historic Christianity influence & pre-European spirituality: This framework allows for a nuanced understanding that acknowledges the historical influence of Christianity on Māori communities while simultaneously re-centring and affirming the enduring power of pre-European Indigenous spirituality.

• Implementation challenge: A significant challenge lies in ensuring that the younger generations actively realize and implement the provisions and spirit of Te Kawenata o Rongo (the Deed of Reconciliation) while simultaneously honouring and transmitting the traditional values, knowledge, and practices that underpin it. This involves a delicate balancing act between modern legal frameworks and ancestral traditions.

• International relevance: The Parihaka model, understood through the Rongo-centric lens, provides a compelling and distinct model for decolonial, bottom-up peace-building. It offers valuable insights for global dialogues on non-violent resistance and opens significant avenues for comparative work with other Indigenous movements and decolonial struggles worldwide.

• Closing invocation: The note concludes with a powerful invocation reinforcing the centrality of Rongo: “Ē Rongo whakairihia ake ki runga, tūturu whakamoua kia tīnā, tīnā – Hui ē Tāiki e.” This translates roughly to: “Oh Rongo, lift [us] up, establish and make firm, so be it, so be it—Gather all, and be strong!” It serves as a call for spiritual grounding, resilience, and collective action towards sustained peace.

Page 17 – Numerical & Chronological Quick-Reference

\begin{aligned}
1867 &:\text{Parihaka founded} \
1865\text{–}1878 &:\text{Confiscation north of Waingōngoro not enforced} \
5\,Nov\,1881 &:\text{Rā Pāhua – 1,600 troops, 2,000 seated protestors} \
1898 &:\text{Last prisoners return} \
1907 &:\text{Deaths of Te Whiti & Tohu} \
9\,Jun\,2017 &:\text{Te Rā o te Haeata – Crown apology} \
\end{aligned}

Page 18 – Key Scholars & Works (Selective)

• Histories: Key historical accounts include Hazel Riseborough’s Days of Darkness, which meticulously documents the events surrounding Parihaka; Dick Scott’s Ask That Mountain, a widely read narrative of the community’s resistance; and Rachel Buchanan’s Parihaka Album, which adds visual and personal dimensions to the history.

• Pacifism & Non-violence: Foundational theoretical works include Gene Sharp (1959), whose typologies of non-violent action are widely adopted, and contemporary empirical studies by Chenoweth & Stephan (2014) demonstrating the effectiveness of non-violent movements. Clements (2015) offers further insights into the imperative of non-violence.

• Indigenous Peace: Important contributions to understanding Indigenous peace practices come from Devere et al. (2017), who explore specific dimensions of peace from an Indigenous perspective, and Mac Ginty & Richmond (2013), who consider the broader context of Indigenous peace-building.

• Cosmology/Ethics: Philosophical and cosmological insights are provided by Patterson (1991), who discusses Māori ethics; Elsdon Best (1924), who documented traditional Māori beliefs; and Ngāhuia Te Awekotuku (Mead 2003), whose work explores Māori cultural practices and values, including expressions of Rongo.

Page 19 – Ethical, Philosophical & Practical Implications

• Ethical: A Rongo-centric approach fundamentally shifts the discourse on peace from a Western, rule-based morality (which might focus on duties or rights) to a more holistic virtue/relational ethics. This emphasizes moral character and the interconnectedness of relationships, deeply embedded within the Māori concept of whakapapa (genealogy, interconnectedness), thus advocating for a peace that is lived and embodied rather than merely enforced by rules.

• Philosophical: This framework serves as a powerful demonstration of the decolonial option (as conceptualized by Walter Mignolo). By privileging Indigenous epistemology—Māori ways of knowing, being, and understanding peace—it explicitly challenges and destabilizes the dominance of Western philosophical traditions in peace studies, advocating for a pluralistic and culturally diverse understanding of global peace.

• Practical: The Rongo-centric lens offers concrete practical applications. It directly informs the development and implementation of legal and policy instruments, such as the Te Kawenata o Rongo (the Deed of Reconciliation) and the ongoing proposal for a potential Parihaka Day. Furthermore, it guides community-led projects, explicitly evidenced by the Taiepa Tiketike renewable energy initiative, demonstrating how traditional values can drive contemporary sustainable development and self-determination.

Page 20 – Study Tips & Integrative Connections

1. Map dates & events alongside Rongo typology: To deepen understanding, correlate specific historical events and chronological markers with the evolving conceptualization and enactment of Rongo’s principles. This helps to see the direct relationship between Māori cosmology and practical political action.

2. Compare Gene Sharp’s categories with Low & Smith’s list: Analyze the overlap and distinctions between Gene Sharp’s generalized typologies of non-violent action and Low & Smith’s specific cataloguing of Parihaka tactics. This fosters an appreciation for the strategic sophistication and contextual nuances of the Parihaka resistance.

3. Memorise key waiata verses: Given their significance as political texts and mnemonic devices, learning key lines from the waiata discussed (He Ngeri nā Tohu, Mōrehu Kore Kai, Titiro, Titiro) will provide deeper insight into their function and often quoted cultural importance.

4. Link reconciliation theory (Schaap) with Crown–Parihaka process: Apply Schaap’s conceptualization of reconciliation as an “Arendtian revolutionary moment” to the actual Crown–Parihaka reconciliation process. This allows for a critical evaluation of the signs and indicators of its success in initiating a genuinely new political and social order.

5. Reflect on mana vs power distinction; draft short essay on how Rongo re-articulates ‘pacifism’: Engage with the theoretical difference between Māori mana (spiritual authority, prestige, moral power) and Western notions of coercive ‘power.’ Consider how the re-instatement of Rongo as an active political-spiritual force fundamentally re-articulates and enriches the definition of ‘pacifism,’ transforming it from a merely passive stance to an active Indigenous force.

Page 1 – Introduction & Key Framing

• Focus: Re-instating Rongo, the revered Māori god of peace, as a living political-spiritual force and indispensable analytic lens for understanding Indigenous non-violent resistance. Rongo is here re-conceptualized not just as a deity, but as an active principle guiding political action and ethical frameworks.

• Thesis: The pervasive invisibility and historical marginalization of Rongo in academic discourse is directly linked to the colonial suppression of Indigenous peace traditions, particularly evident in the historical narrative and interpretation of Parihaka’s endured colonial experience. This suppression has obscured the foundational spiritual and political tenets of Māori non-violence.

• Goal: To fundamentally displace the reductive and often misleading label “passive resistance” and instead articulate a radical, revolutionary non-violent politics explicitly grounded in the deeply embedded Māori spiritual and cultural traditions of Rongo. This aims to reclaim the agency and intentionality of the Parihaka community’s actions.

• Structure preview: The analysis will proceed with a detailed typology of Rongo to clarify its multifaceted nature and manifestations; investigate its moral impetus derived from Māori cosmology; delve into the specific pacifist traditions enacted at Parihaka; examine the significance of the Day of Reconciliation as a contemporary re-activation of Rongo; and conclude with a theoretical reading of accompanying waiata (songs/chants) as political texts embodying Rongo’s principles.

• Revolutionary = This concept implies a profound cultural revitalisation, achieved by re-centering a Māori deity (Rongo) within the framework of political action, thereby challenging Western-centric notions of revolution. Radical = This signifies the essentialisation of peace not merely as an absence of conflict but as an active, foundational principle inherent within a framework of non-violent resistance, emphasizing its deep Indigenous roots.

• Key terms highlighted: Rongo, Parihaka, Pacifism (re-evaluated through an Indigenous lens), Indigenous Peace Traditions, Te Whiti o Rongomai, and Tohu Kākahi.

Page 2 – Historiography & Context of Parihaka

• Parihaka (established 1867, located in Taranaki, Aotearoa New Zealand) is recognized globally as an iconic non-violent community. It became a beacon of resistance against colonial land confiscations through its steadfast commitment to peace.

• Rich academic record: The history of Parihaka has been extensively documented by scholars such as Buchanan, Cowan, Riseborough, and Scott. However, despite this wealth of material, the voices and perspectives of the Parihaka people themselves have only recently been foregrounded in academic and public discourse. A significant turning point was the 2001 art exhibition and accompanying book titled “Parihaka: The Art of Passive Resistance,” which began to shift the narrative towards Indigenous agency.

• 9 Jun 2018: A landmark Deed of Reconciliation – Te Kawenata o Rongo was signed between the Crown and Parihaka. This significant agreement formally ended a political standoff that had persisted for an astonishing $151 \text{ yrs}$, beginning in 1867 and concluding in 2018. The signing acknowledged the historical injustices and marked a commitment to redress.

• 19th-century international attention: The events at Parihaka garnered international scrutiny. The 1882 Manchester Guardian, for instance, reported on the invasion of 5 November, highlighting the disproportionate force used against a peaceful community. Lord Bryce’s defamation case against Rusden over the epithet “Bully of Parihaka” further exemplifies the global reverberations of the Crown’s actions.

• Contemporary resurgence: Disturbingly, contemporary racist literature (e.g., Robinson et al. 2013) continues to emerge, perpetuating and maintaining white-supremacist discourse that attempts to delegitimize the Parihaka narrative and Indigenous rights.

• Comparative frames: The non-violent strategies of Parihaka hold strong parallels with other global movements, including those led by Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., as well as Irish resistance movements. Rachel Buchanan’s genealogical analysis specifically traces a lineage of influence: from Indigenous Aotearoa (Parihaka) \rightarrow to Ireland \rightarrow to India \rightarrow to the USA, suggesting a global flow of non-violent methodologies.

Page 3 – Founding Narrative of Parihaka

• Parihaka was founded by the visionary prophets Te Whiti o Rongomai and Tohu Kākahi in 1867. Their primary motivation was to establish a sanctuary and provide shelter for thousands of Māori who had been dispossessed of their ancestral lands during the extensive 1860s land confiscations following the Taranaki Wars. The community intended to reclaim and re-establish Māori autonomy and cultural integrity.

• Preceded by peaceful settlements: The establishment of Parihaka was not an isolated event but built upon a history of prior peaceful settlements initiated by the prophets, including those at Warea, Ngākumikumi, Te Puru, Kēkēua, and Waikoukou. These earlier communities were foundational in developing the principles and practices of non-violent resistance that would later define Parihaka.

• Government confiscations: Significantly, the government’s proclamations of land confiscations north of the Waingōngoro River were not rigorously enforced between 1865 and 1878. This protracted period of non-enforcement inadvertently created a vital temporal and geographical space that allowed the Parihaka community to flourish, attracting thousands of Māori seeking refuge and a new way of life based on peace and self-sufficiency.

• Monthly hui: The community’s social and political cohesion was meticulously maintained through regular monthly hui (gatherings). These meetings served as crucial forums for governance, strategic planning for resistance, cultural maintenance through shared knowledge and rituals, large-scale feasting (hakari), and the performance of waiata. These elements collectively solidified community solidarity and reinforced their shared commitment to peace.

Page 4 – Escalating Confrontations (1870–1878)

• March 1870 meeting: Te Whiti o Rongomai met with government agent Robert Parris. During this encounter, Te Whiti issued a prophetic warning regarding the Crown’s planned road-building through confiscated lands, describing it as the “thin edge of the wedge.” This metaphor conveyed his understanding that seemingly minor incursions were precursors to broader and more aggressive colonial encroachment. He famously stated: “Take the people with you … mind you do not imprison them,” warning Parris against coercive tactics and advocating for a just and inclusive approach.

• Sept 1870 hui: A significant hui assembled approximately $1{,}200$ people to collectively debate the critical question of “peace & war with the English.” This demonstrates the community’s commitment to democratic internal decision-making and their deep consideration for the consequences of their actions, highlighting their preference for non-violent resolution.

• Allied hapū migration: As word of Parihaka’s peaceful resistance spread, various allied hapū (sub-tribes) migrated to the settlement, swelling its population and strengthening its resolve. Notable arrivals included sections of Ngāti Rahiri, Ngāti Tūpaea, and members of Ngāti Mutunga who had returned from their forced exile on the Chatham Islands, seeking sanctuary and solidarity at Parihaka.

• Government attempts to co-opt chiefs: The colonial government actively attempted to undermine Parihaka’s influence by trying to co-opt influential Māori chiefs, such as Rewi Maniapoto, into supporting Crown policies. This strategy aimed to divide and conquer Māori resistance.

• Whaitara meeting: A large meeting at Whaitara drew approximately $5{,}000$ attendees, indicating the widespread engagement with the issues of land and sovereignty. Although Parihaka leaders were absent, their influence was profound. They sent a colossal contribution of 30–50 cartloads of food, an act that showcased both their exceptional economic capacity (demonstrating the fertility and productivity of their lands cultivated peacefully) and their significant moral mana (prestige and spiritual authority), reinforcing their position as a leading Māori community.

Page 5 – Survey Pegs & Ploughmen Campaign (1878–1879)

• 1878 Crown surveys: The resumption of Crown land surveys in 1878 on lands considered confiscated, but still occupied and actively cultivated by Māori, served as a direct provocation. Hazel Riseborough succinctly describes this action as a reflection of profound colonial arrogance, noting that the Crown’s actions implicitly assumed an “ipso facto” right to Māori land interests merely by declaration, without regard for customary ownership or peaceful occupation.

• Intense correspondence: Te Whiti o Rongomai engaged in a period of intense correspondence with colonial officials, unequivocally rejecting the Crown’s assertion of a “right of conquest” over Māori lands. He powerfully articulated his stance using the metaphor of a blanket cut in half, signifying that the Crown’s attempt to divide and claim Māori land was an act of profound injustice that severed the integrity of Māori life and identity.

• 22 Mar 1879 Sheehan meeting: A crucial meeting with Native Minister John Sheehan on 22 March 1879 proved disastrous, failing to resolve the land dispute peacefully. Following this impasse, on 25 May, Parihaka initiated its symbolic and highly public act of resistance: the ploughing of confiscated land at Oakura. This action was a deliberate reassertion of Māori sovereignty and stewardship over their ancestral territories.

• Arrest wave: The ploughing campaign triggered a massive wave of arrests designed to suppress the non-violent resistance. The first 11 ploughmen were arrested on 29 June 1879. By 6 July, $105$ individuals were in custody, and arrests continued relentlessly throughout the campaign. The charges laid against them—malicious injury, forcible entry, and riot—were designed to criminalize acts of peaceful protest and legitimate land reclamation.

Page 6 – Rā Pāhua (Day of Plunder) & Aftermath

• 5 Nov 1881: On this infamous day, Native Minister John Bryce and Colonel William Rolleston led a substantial force of 1,600 Armed Constabulary and volunteers in a military invasion of Parihaka. This well-armed colonial force marched directly into the heart of the peaceful settlement, demonstrating overwhelming state power.

• Scene: In a testament to their unwavering commitment to non-violence, the Parihaka community met the armed invasion with extraordinary calm. Children sang and danced, while approximately 2,000 adults sat silently, offering no resistance. The scene was marked by profound dignity and a complete absence of violence from the Māori side, starkly contrasting with the aggressive posture of the invading forces. Despite this, the village was systematically destroyed, homes razed, crops ruined, and residents forcibly dispersed.

• Government suppresses documentation: Following the invasion, the government actively suppressed and minimized official documentation of the events and the subsequent treatment of the Parihaka people. This suppression of information continued until 1883–84, aiming to control the narrative and obscure the brutality of the raid from public knowledge.

• Imprisonment: Prophets Tohu Kākahi and Te Whiti o Rongomai were immediately arrested and held for 16 months (detailed by Ward in 1883), often without trial under special legislation. Their imprisonment, which included being paraded around the South Island as a public spectacle, aimed to break their spiritual authority. They faced further re-incarcerations in 1886 and 1889, illustrating the Crown’s persistent efforts to crush the movement.

• Economic pivot: In response to sustained economic hardship and colonial pressure, Te Whiti innovated an economic pivot by introducing a system of money koha (voluntary contributions). This pragmatic adjustment is famously illustrated by the saucer-and-shilling anecdote, which describes collecting small monetary donations. This system ensured the community's economic survival and allowed for the continuity of the vital monthly 18th/19th commemorations, which continue to this day as a powerful symbol of remembrance and resilience.

• Last prisoners home: The last of the Parihaka prisoners, many of whom endured years of forced labor and unjust incarceration, finally returned home in 1898. Both prophets, Te Whiti and Tohu, passed away in 1907, leaving behind a profound 40-year legacy of non-violent resistance and spiritual leadership that continues to inspire.

Page 7 – Te Rā o te Haeata (Day of Reconciliation), 9 Jun 2017

• Crown apology text: A pivotal moment in the reconciliation process occurred on 9 June 2017 with the formal Crown apology, which included the poignant acknowledgment: “The Crown responded to peace with tyranny…” This statement represented a significant, albeit long-delayed, admission of culpability for the injustices inflicted upon Parihaka.

• Deed Purpose: The Deed of Reconciliation aimed to officially recognize the historical legacy of Parihaka, acknowledge the profound injustices and events that transpired, and cooperatively support the community’s future development and well-being. Its key elements include:

  • A detailed legacy statement and formal Crown apology for past wrongs.

  • The drafting of a specific Parihaka Bill to give legal effect to aspects of the reconciliation.

  • The establishment of a Parihaka–Crown leaders’ forum to ensure ongoing dialogue and collaboration at a high level.

  • Formal relationship agreements with local authorities and government agencies to ensure coordinated support.

  • The provision of a dedicated development fund to assist Parihaka in realizing its community aspirations and future projects.

• Conceptual framing: Drawing on the work of political theorist Anna Arendt, Schaap (2006) proposes that reconciliation can be understood as an Arendtian revolutionary moment. This perspective frames reconciliation not merely as conflict resolution but as a transformative act that initiates a new political order, creating a “radical break with social order” and fundamentally altering historical power dynamics and relationships.

• Emerging projects: The reconciliation process has spurred new initiatives, including Taiepa Tiketike, a sustainable-energy research project that embodies Parihaka’s commitment to self-sufficiency and environmental stewardship. There is also an ongoing proposal for a national Parihaka Day on 5 November, which would formally commemorate the invasion and honor the community’s enduring peace legacy across Aotearoa New Zealand.

Page 8 – Questioning & Typologising Resistance

• Wakeham (2012): Emphasizes that forms of resistance are inherently locational and historically specific, meaning they are deeply embedded in their unique cultural, geographical, and temporal contexts. This perspective cautions against the homogenisation of resistance movements, advocating for approaches that respect indigenous epistemologies and practices.

• Low & Smith (1996) catalogue Parihaka non-violent tactics across Gene Sharp’s widely recognized categories:

  1. Protest/Persuasion: This category includes public speeches by the prophets, symbolic gestures (like placing a white feather), community singing (waiata) to bolster morale and convey messages, and organized marches or demonstrations.

  2. Social non-co-operation: Tactics here involved consumer boycotts, practices of austerity within the community, steadfast refusal to abandon their occupied lands (despite confiscation), and the collective refusal to pay unjust revenue or taxes to the colonial government.

  3. Political non-co-operation: This encompassed non-assistance to colonial authorities, organized sit-downs to impede government operations or surveys, and the open disobedience of laws deemed illegitimate or unjust by the Parihaka leadership.

  4. Non-violent intervention: More direct actions included hunger strikes (e.g., in prison), physical obstruction of surveyors or road-builders, deliberately overloading colonial facilities (such as prisons by mass arrests), establishing alternative parallel institutions (like their own judiciary), and welcoming imprisonment as a defiant act of solidarity and moral victory.

• Raises deeper Indigenous questions: This typology prompts critical inquiry into Indigenous understandings of non-violence. It asks how Māori definitions of pacifism might differ from Western interpretations, explores the intricate links between non-violence and the concept of mana (status, spiritual power, authority) versus Western notions of ‘power’ (often coercive), and investigates the historical presence and nature of conscientious objection within pre-colonial and colonial Māori society.

Page 9 – Indigenous Peace-Making & Theoretical Pivot

• Wig (2016): Argues that societies with strong traditional institutions often exhibit a higher capacity for non-violent bargaining and conflict resolution. This theoretical insight strongly resonates with the historical peace narratives and established social structures within the Taranaki region, where the Parihaka community drew upon deep-seated cultural traditions of peace-making.

• Māori cosmology: Within Māori cosmology, the universe is governed by multiple atua (deities). Rongomaraeroa (often shortened to Rongo) is explicitly associated with peace, cultivation, and the sustenance of life, symbolizing harmony. This is often juxtaposed with Tūmatauenga (or Tū), the atua of war, humanity, and fierce action. The dynamic interplay between these two deities encapsulates the inherent tension and balance between conflict and peace within Māori thought.

• Andersen (1940): Noted that Māori essentially “lived in religion” before the arrival of missionaries. This observation underscores that Māori spirituality was not a separate, compartmentalized belief system but was intrinsically woven into the fabric of daily life, social organization, ethics, and political action, including their practices of peace.

Page 10 – Defining Rongo

• Variants: The deity Rongo appears in various nuanced forms and names across different tribal traditions, including Rongomaraeroa, Rongomātane, Rongo-ā-marae, Rongo-ā-whare, Rongo-taketake, among others. Each variant emphasizes a particular aspect or domain of Rongo’s influence, from everyday peace to agricultural bounty and specific human interactions.

• Devere et al. (2017) definition: They define Rongo as an atua embodying peace and hospitality. Rongo traditionally presides over the entrance of the whare (meeting house), symbolizing its role in welcoming visitors and maintaining peace within the community. Furthermore, Rongo is closely associated with governing manaakitanga (hospitality, generosity, care for others), which is a fundamental Māori value indispensable for fostering harmonious relationships.

• Conflict-resolution idioms: Māori language provides rich idioms reflecting Rongo's role in peace-making. Hohou te rongo literally means “to enter into peace” or to make peace. This idiom signifies the active process of seeking and establishing harmony. Meanwhile, Rongo-ā-marae refers to peace enacted in the public domain, typically by men in the marae (communal meeting grounds), focusing on inter-group relations. Conversely, Rongo-ā-whare denotes peace maintained within the private, domestic sphere, often enacted by women, focusing on family and household harmony (Mead 2003).

• Linguistic duality: The term “Rongo” itself holds a significant linguistic duality in Māori. As a proper noun, Rongo refers to the deity of peace. As a common noun or verb, rongo translates to “to listen,” “to hear,” “to feel,” or “to intuit.” This duality suggests that inner peace and the capacity for peace-making are intrinsically linked to deep listening, empathy, and intuitive understanding.

• Contrast: Rongo fundamentally differs from many Western or Abrahamic theological frames. Crucially, Rongo lacks a prescribed scripture or rigid moral code, and its principles were not weaponised for conquest or territorial expansion. This distinction highlights Rongo as a spiritual guiding force for internal harmony and sustainable living, rather than a tool for dominance.

• Best’s Bay-of-Plenty myth: Elsdon Best (1924) recounted a Bay-of-Plenty myth positing that had Rongo (peace) governed solely, warfare would have been entirely absent from the Māori world. This myth underscores the aspirational ideal of absolute peace. Furthermore, Māori waiata often express the profound tension between moenga kura (a bed of treasure or peace, symbolizing prosperity and safety) and moenga toto (a bed of blood or war, symbolizing conflict and loss), reflecting the enduring human struggle between these two states.

Page 11 – Cosmology, Ethics & Tribal Nuance

• Māori ethics closer to virtue ethics (Patterson 1991): Māori ethical systems are more akin to Western virtue ethics than to rule-based moralities. They emphasize an “ethics of being”—focusing on the character, virtues, and relationships of an individual and community rather than adherence to strict, universal rules. This approach inherently reduces stark good/evil binaries, instead promoting a holistic understanding of actions within context.

• Tribal epistemologies: The ritual relations and interpretations of Tū (war) and Rongo (peace) vary significantly across different iwi (tribes), reflecting diverse tribal epistemologies and historical experiences. For instance, in some iwi, Rongo functions as a de-tapu (sacredness-removing) force, known as “whakanoa,” often through the offering and consumption of food. This act of sharing food is a powerful symbol of communal harmony and the active de-escalation of conflict or tension.

• Vayda’s work on Māori warfare: Andrew Vayda’s (1976) research on traditional Māori warfare (e.g., in Maori Warfare) suggests that war functioned not merely as conflict but also ecologically, to disperse populations and manage the exploitation of environmental resources. This perspective underscores why the Rongo–Tū dynamic cannot be read through a simple, dualistic Western moral lens of good versus evil. Instead, their relationship is a complex interplay reflecting human and environmental realities.

Page 12 – Preliminary Typology of Rongo (Table Synthesised)

Page 13 – “Passive Resistance” vs Rongo-Driven Non-Violence

• Dick Scott’s phrase “passive resistance” has historically dominated the historiography of Parihaka (e.g., in Ask That Mountain). However, prominent Māori scholar Ranginui Walker criticized this term, preferring modus vivendi (a way of living) to describe the community's principled approach, recognizing its active nature.

• Conceptual deficit: Traditional Western typologies, such as Gene Sharp’s seminal work (1959) on non-violent action, while useful, often present a conceptual deficit when applied uncritically to Indigenous contexts. They may not fully capture the spiritual and cultural underpinnings that motivate such resistance.

• Clements (2015) – Non-violence as imperative; Chenoweth (2014) empirical success rate > violent uprisings: Contemporary peace scholars like Kevin Clements (2015) argue for non-violence as a moral and strategic imperative. Erica Chenoweth's (2014) empirical research demonstrates that non-violent civil resistance campaigns have a significantly higher success rate than violent uprisings, lending robust analytical support to the efficacy of movements like Parihaka.

• Richard Jackson: Richard Jackson (2007), a critical peace scholar, identifies pacifism as “subjugated knowledge”—meaning it has been historically marginalized or dismissed within dominant political discourse. He advocates for the development of locally organised, agonistic, radically pacifist peace-building models that challenge state-centric power and are rooted in Indigenous or community-specific contexts.

• Moral impetus gap: Atack (2001) posits that a strong moral concern is vital for achieving structural change in non-violent movements. The framework of Rongo provides precisely that—an profound Indigenous moral wellspring and spiritual justification that elevates the Parihaka resistance beyond mere tactical inaction to a deeply principled and culturally grounded stance.

• Personal whakapapa: The author notes a personal connection, with an ancestress, Te Parewhairiri, named after an act of passive resistance. This highlights the intergenerational transmission of non-violent principles and the enduring legacy within Māori families.

Page 14 – Waiata as Political Texts (Selections)

1. He Ngeri nā Tohu

• Key lines: “Māku te motu, māku te ao!” (“The land is mine, the world is mine!”) – This powerful assertion by Tohu Kākahi demonstrates a radical assertion of ownership and sovereignty in the face of colonial confiscation. The song employs a compelling clay versus iron metaphor, suggesting that colonial laws, likened to brittle iron, will ultimately flake and shatter when confronted by the enduring, pliable, and deep-rooted Indigenous connection to the land (clay).

1. Mōrehu Kore Kai

• This is a feast-arrival song, typically sung with great vigor and emotion. It celebrates the community's miraculous survival and resilience despite the profound starvation and destruction they endured post-Rā Pāhua (the Day of Plunder). The act of singing this waiata during times of hunger or hardship serves to collectively honour and reinforce the Parihaka people's unwavering spirit and their commitment to endure.

1. Titiro, Titiro (Huirangi Waikerepuru)

• Imagery: This waiata features potent imagery, such as casting off Victoria’s cloak, which is a powerful symbolic act of decolonisation, explicitly rejecting British colonial authority personified by Queen Victoria. The song profoundly praises the prophets Te Whiti and Tohu as “Ngā Manu e Rua” (the two sacred birds), portraying them as divine agents who, through the power of spiritual peace, metaphorically defeat their enemies and overcome oppression. Their spiritual authority triumphs over physical force.

• Function: Across these examples, waiata function as multifaceted political texts. They are mnemonic devices, transmitting historical memory and cultural knowledge across generations. They are ritualistic, performed in community gatherings to reaffirm identity and solidarity. Crucially, they serve as powerful vehicles of critical reflection on colonisation, articulating Māori perspectives, grievances, and aspirations within a culturally resonant framework.

Page 15 – Intertext: Tāwhiao’s Kupu Whakaari

• A significant intertextual link is found in the kupu whakaari (prophetic sayings) of King Tāwhiao, the second Māori King. One such quote urges the prophets of Parihaka to “Rapua te mea ngaro” (“seek what is lost” or “seek the hidden knowledge”). This prophetic guidance connects deeply with spiritual principles and resilience. The prophecy further refers metaphorically to the Psalms of David (symbolizing lament and spiritual solace), tears (representing suffering and purification), and mentions specific indigenous medicinal plants such as rengarenga (New Zealand lily) and kawariki (a native herb). These plants are invoked as symbols of persistent growth, healing, and spiritual sustenance, indicating that even in despair, there are inherent resources for renewal and strength within the land and the spirit.

Page 16 – Implications & Forward Trajectory

• Rongo-centric lens offers: Adopting a Rongo-centric lens for analyzing peace and resistance offers several profound benefits:

  • An Indigenous ontology for peace studies: It provides a unique, culturally grounded framework for understanding peace that originates from Māori cosmological principles, distinct from Western paradigms.

  • Moral impetus missing from generic “pacifism”: It injects a deep moral and spiritual drive into the concept of non-violence, moving beyond a purely tactical or pragmatic understanding of pacifism.

  • Bridge between historic Christianity influence & pre-European spirituality: This framework allows for a nuanced understanding that acknowledges the historical influence of Christianity on Māori communities while simultaneously re-centring and affirming the enduring power of pre-European Indigenous spirituality.

• Implementation challenge: A significant challenge lies in ensuring that the younger generations actively realize and implement the provisions and spirit of Te Kawenata o Rongo (the Deed of Reconciliation) while simultaneously honouring and transmitting the traditional values, knowledge, and practices that underpin it. This involves a delicate balancing act between modern legal frameworks and ancestral traditions.

• International relevance: The Parihaka model, understood through the Rongo-centric lens, provides a compelling and distinct model for decolonial, bottom-up peace-building. It offers valuable insights for global dialogues on non-violent resistance and opens significant avenues for comparative work with other Indigenous movements and decolonial struggles worldwide.

• Closing invocation: The note concludes with a powerful invocation reinforcing the centrality of Rongo: “Ē Rongo whakairihia ake ki runga, tūturu whakamoua kia tīnā, tīnā – Hui ē Tāiki e.” This translates roughly to: “Oh Rongo, lift [us] up, establish and make firm, so be it, so be it—Gather all, and be strong!” It serves as a call for spiritual grounding, resilience, and collective action towards sustained peace.

Page 17 – Numerical & Chronological Quick-Reference

\begin{aligned}
1867 &: \text{Parihaka founded} \
1865\text{–}1878 &: \text{Confiscation north of Waingōngoro not enforced} \
5\,Nov\,1881 &: \text{Rā Pāhua – 1,600 troops, 2,000 seated protestors} \
1898 &: \text{Last prisoners return} \
1907 &: \text{Deaths of Te Whiti & Tohu} \
9\,Jun\,2017 &: \text{Te Rā o te Haeata – Crown apology} \
\end{aligned}

Page 18 – Key Scholars & Works (Selective)

• Histories: Key historical accounts include Hazel Riseborough’s Days of Darkness, which meticulously documents the events surrounding Parihaka; Dick Scott’s Ask That Mountain, a widely read narrative of the community’s resistance; and Rachel Buchanan’s Parihaka Album, which adds visual and personal dimensions to the history.

• Pacifism & Non-violence: Foundational theoretical works include Gene Sharp (1959), whose typologies of non-violent action are widely adopted, and contemporary empirical studies by Chenoweth & Stephan (2014) demonstrating the effectiveness of non-violent movements. Clements (2015) offers further insights into the imperative of non-violence.

• Indigenous Peace: Important contributions to understanding Indigenous peace practices come from Devere et al. (2017), who explore specific dimensions of peace from an Indigenous perspective, and Mac Ginty & Richmond (2013), who consider the broader context of Indigenous peace-building.

• Cosmology/Ethics: Philosophical and cosmological insights are provided by Patterson (1991), who discusses Māori ethics; Elsdon Best (1924), who documented traditional Māori beliefs; and Ngāhuia Te Awekotuku (Mead 2003), whose work explores Māori cultural practices and values, including expressions of Rongo.

Page 19 – Ethical, Philosophical & Practical Implications

• Ethical: A Rongo-centric approach fundamentally shifts the discourse on peace from a Western, rule-based morality (which might focus on duties or rights) to a more holistic virtue/relational ethics. This emphasizes moral character and the interconnectedness of relationships, deeply embedded within the Māori concept of whakapapa (genealogy, interconnectedness), thus advocating for a peace that is lived and embodied rather than merely enforced by rules.

• Philosophical: This framework serves as a powerful demonstration of the decolonial option (as conceptualized by Walter Mignolo). By privileging Indigenous epistemology—Māori ways of knowing, being, and understanding peace—it explicitly challenges and destabilizes the dominance of Western philosophical traditions in peace studies, advocating for a pluralistic and culturally diverse understanding of global peace.

• Practical: The Rongo-centric lens offers concrete practical applications. It directly informs the development and implementation of legal and policy instruments, such as the Te Kawenata o Rongo (the Deed of Reconciliation) and the ongoing proposal for a potential Parihaka Day. Furthermore, it guides community-led projects, explicitly evidenced by the Taiepa Tiketike renewable energy initiative, demonstrating how traditional values can drive contemporary sustainable development and self-determination.

Page 20 – Study Tips & Integrative Connections

1. Map dates & events alongside Rongo typology: To deepen understanding, correlate specific historical events and chronological markers with the evolving conceptualization and enactment of Rongo’s principles. This helps to see the direct relationship between Māori cosmology and practical political action.

2. Compare Gene Sharp’s categories with Low & Smith’s list: Analyze the overlap and distinctions between Gene Sharp’s generalized typologies of non-violent action and Low & Smith’s specific cataloguing of Parihaka tactics. This fosters an appreciation for the strategic sophistication and contextual nuances of the Parihaka resistance.

3. Memorise key waiata verses: Given their significance as political texts and mnemonic devices, learning key lines from the waiata discussed (He Ngeri nā Tohu, Mōrehu Kore Kai, Titiro, Titiro) will provide deeper insight into their function and often quoted cultural importance.

4. Link reconciliation theory (Schaap) with Crown–Parihaka process: Apply Schaap’s conceptualization of reconciliation as an “Arendtian revolutionary moment” to the actual Crown–Parihaka reconciliation process. This allows for a critical evaluation of the signs and indicators of its success in initiating a genuinely new political and social order.

5. Reflect on mana vs power distinction; draft short essay on how Rongo re-articulates ‘pacifism’: Engage with the theoretical difference between Māori mana (spiritual authority, prestige, moral power) and Western notions of coercive ‘power.’ Consider how the re-instatement of Rongo as an active political-spiritual force fundamentally re-articulates and enriches the definition of ‘pacifism,’ transforming it from a merely passive stance to an active Indigenous force.

Here are concise answers for the example questions, drawing from the notes:

1. Explain how Rongo re-articulates the concept of 'pacifism' within an Indigenous framework, drawing upon its linguistic duality and contrast with Western theological frames.
   Rongo, as the Māori god of peace, re-articulates pacifism by providing an Indigenous moral impetus and active principle beyond mere absence of conflict. Its linguistic duality as deity (Rongo) and verb ('to listen, feel, intuit') links peace-making to deep listening and empathy. Unlike Western theological frames that may weaponize principles for conquest, Rongo lacks scripture or moral code and was not used for expansion, highlighting it as a spiritual guide for internal harmony and sustained living.

2. Discuss why the term 'passive resistance' is considered insufficient to describe the Parihaka movement, according to the readings, and what alternative framework is proposed.
   The term 'passive resistance,' popularized by Dick Scott, is considered insufficient because it fails to capture the radical, revolutionary non-violent politics deeply grounded in the Māori spiritual tradition of Rongo. Ranginui Walker preferred 'modus vivendi' to describe Parihaka's active, principled approach. The proposed alternative is a 'radical, revolutionary non-violent politics' that re-centers Rongo as an essential, active force of peace within resistance.

3. Identify the key figures behind the Parihaka settlement and briefly describe their vision for the community.
   The key figures behind the Parihaka settlement were the prophets Te Whiti o Rongomai and Tohu Kākahi. Their vision was to establish a sanctuary and provide shelter for thousands of Māori dispossessed by 1860s land confiscations, aiming to reclaim and re-establish Māori autonomy and cultural integrity through principles of peace and self-sufficiency.

4. Outline the events of Rā Pāhua on 5 November 1881, including the forces involved and the response of the Parihaka community.
   On 5 November 1881, Native Minister John Bryce and Colonel William Rolleston led 1,600 Armed Constabulary and volunteers in a military invasion of Parihaka. The Parihaka community responded with unwavering non-violence: children sang and danced, while approximately 2,000 adults sat silently. Despite this peaceful resistance, the village was destroyed, homes razed, and residents forcibly dispersed.

5. What was the significance of the Deed of Reconciliation – Te Kawenata o Rongo, signed on 9 June 2018, in the context of Parihaka's history?
   The Deed of Reconciliation – Te Kawenata o Rongo, signed on 9 June 2018, was significant as it formally ended a 151-year political standoff between the Crown and Parihaka. It constituted a formal Crown apology, acknowledging past injustices, and aimed to recognize Parihaka's legacy, support its future, and initiate a new political order, framed as an "Arendtian revolutionary moment."

6. Provide two examples of non-violent tactics employed by the Parihaka community, correlating them with Gene Sharp's categories of non-violent action.
   Two examples of non-violent tactics employed by Parihaka are:

   1. Ploughing Campaign: This falls under Gene Sharp's category of Non-violent Intervention, as it was a direct physical obstruction and reassertion of sovereignty over confiscated land.

   2. Public Assemblies (Monthly hui): These fall under Protest/Persuasion, serving as forums for governance, strategy, and cultural maintenance, demonstrating solidarity and resolve.

7. Explain how waiata served as political texts in the Parihaka resistance, giving one specific example.
   Waiata served as multifaceted political texts by being mnemonic devices (transmitting historical memory), ritualistic performances (reaffirming identity), and vehicles of critical reflection on colonisation. For example, in "He Ngeri nā Tohu," Tohu Kākahi asserts “Māku te motu, māku te ao!” ("The land is mine, the world is mine!") and uses a clay vs. iron metaphor to convey that colonial laws (iron) will shatter against Indigenous connection to land (clay), demonstrating a radical assertion of sovereignty.