Socialisations

Gender Socialisation

Oakley (1981) Ann Oakley is a feminist who argues that gender roles are socially constructed through socialisation. She explains how children are socialised into their gender roles by their families in four ways:

1 Manipulation – This consists of encouraging behaviour that is seen as stereotypically acceptable for the child’s gender and discouraging behaviour that is not considered the norm. Examples could include laughing if a boy gets muddy, or congratulating him for attempting something adventurous, but discouraging a girl from doing anything that would involve getting muddy or dirty, or from even attempting adventurous activities.

2 Canalisation – This involves parents channelling their child’s interests into toys, games and activities that are considered the norm for their gender, such as encouraging girls to play with dolls and to go to ballet class and encouraging boys to play football.

3 Verbal appellation – This refers to giving children nicknames or pet names that reinforce gender expectations, such as ‘little angel’ or ‘princess’ for girls, and ‘little monster’ or ‘soldier’ for boys.

4 Different activities – Parents or family members may encourage children to participate in activities around the home that reinforce stereotypes, such as a girl helping her mother with baking, and a boy helping his father to clean the car.

Ethnic socialisation

Sewell (1997) argues that a high proportion of African-Caribbean boys are raised in lone-parent families (usually headed by women) in the UK. His research highlights that in 2001, 57 per cent of African-Caribbean families with dependent children were headed by lone parents, compared with 25 per cent of white families. As a result, many black boys lacked the male role model and the discipline provided by a father figure. Sewell argues that the absence of a male role model/disciplinarian within the family makes young African-Caribbean boys more vulnerable to peer pressure. For example, some young boys are drawn into gangs that emphasise an aggressive, macho form of masculinity. Members demand respect, reject authority figures such as teachers and police, and focus on up-to-the minute street fashion and music. This form of black masculinity is then reflected and reinforced by the media, with gangster rap and hip-hop fashions and news reports emphasising black street crime and gun culture. Sewell claims that therefore single parent families socialise black boys into this hyper masculine identity, through having a lack of fathers. This then is argued to become both a gendered and racial identity that has been socialised.

Social class socialisation

Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste and The Focus of Capital – Bourdieu (1984, 1986) According to Pierre Bourdieu, ‘class fractions’ are determined by varying degrees of social, economic and cultural capital (assets). The dominant (ruling) class have the power to shape which attributes are valued, and are in a position to acquire and pass on capital to their children.

● Cultural capital: the knowledge, attitudes, skills, education and advantages that a person has, which give them a higher status in society.

● Economic capital: economic resources (cash, assets).

● Social capital: resources based on group membership, relationships, networks of influence and support. All of these types of capital are interrelated, and someone with high levels of one type of capital is more likely to be able to attain the others as well.

However, cultural capital is the most significant for Bourdieu. Parents provide their children with cultural capital by transmitting the attitudes and knowledge needed to succeed in the current educational system. So, it may include the right ways of speaking and behaving in different circumstances, knowledge of ‘high culture’, etiquette,

confidence in different social situations, and so on. Those with high levels of cultural capital will be in a position to accumulate the other forms of capital as well. Bourdieu, as a Marxist, argued that it is the power of the ruling class that allows them to define the knowledge and skills that are valued, and to ensure that they, and their children, are in the best position to acquire them, giving them an unfair advantage. So these show the various ways families socialise their children into a social class.

Social class socialisation

Schooling in Capitalist America-Bowles and Gintis (1976)

Bowles and Gintis were American Marxists. Marxists are angry and argue that society benefits the rich and the elite and schools are a major place that socialises students into their “position in society”, which keeps the rich rich and the poor poor. As Marxists they agreed that the hidden curriculum exists, but did not think that that it was just about learning shared norms and values (as argued by functionalists). They argued that the education system was a ‘giant myth-making machine’ which brainwashed working class children through the hidden curriculum into the obedience and unquestioning attitude that they would need in the world of work. They argue working class pupils are taught to accept their place in society, their social class, and believe that their achievements and failures are of their own making, and that everything is fair and based on merit. So, Bowles and Gintis see the hidden curriculum and the socialisation that takes place in the education system as very significant, but not good for the majority of working class students, being socialised into an inferior, obedient, working class culture.

Gender and socialisation

Becky Francis (2001) claims that teachers are less likely to see and label boys as ‘ideal pupils’. They have lower expectations of them and are more likely to label them as disruptive. This is likely to lead to negative interaction between teachers and boys. This is likely to cause alienation, disaffection and disruption. A self-fulfilling prophecy of under-attainment is likely to be the result. Teachers expect males to be anti-education and poor students. This claims boys are socialised by this into an anti-school subculture.

Ethnicity and socialisation

David Gillborn carried out a study over two years of what he called ‘City Road’ comprehensive school. When observing lessons he found that African Caribbean boys were reprimanded much more frequently than white or Asian students for the same offence, for example chatting in class. He also carried a quantitative analysis of the school’s detention books and found that although pupils of other ethnicities were more likely to be punished for breaking school rules, a disproportionate number of African-Caribbean pupils had received detentions for offences which were based on the teacher’s interpretation of the pupil’s attitude or intent, for example black boys’ behaviour was frequently seen as a challenge to teacher’s authority even though no school regulation had been broken. White teachers were often suspicious of the style of dress and speech of African-Caribbean boys, interpreting them as strategies of resistance rather than as simply cultural differences. Some boys were even reprimanded for adopting a perceived ‘black’ style of walking. In contrast the cultural differences of Asian pupils were not perceived as threatening and they were largely treated the same as whites. One consequence of the perceived unfairness of the treatment of African-Caribbean boys was for them to draw together and form anti-school subcultures in opposition to the school. They would form all black ‘cliques’ which emphasised a pride in their ethnicity and their physical prowess and would respond in a confrontational manner to teachers when they felt themselves to be treated unfairly. In some cases, such confrontations led to permanent exclusion of black students from school. More frequently badly-behaved students were contained in smaller groups by the school and not entered for examinations. Gillborn also focused on a few highly motivated black students who did achieve success at ‘City Road’. He points out that they only did so by making considerable efforts to avoid confrontations with teachers and to actively work at dispelling the negative image staff had of them. Such boys also had to distance themselves from other black boys often losing friends in the process and facing ridicule from their peer group. From this schools

could be seen to be socialising ethnic groups differently, with black students being socialised into a negative stereotype.

Gendered socialisation

Sue Lees (1983, 1997) looked at the pressure put on teenage girls by peers – for example, how double standards are applied to girls’ and boys’ sexual behaviour, such as how the term ‘slag’ is used to control girls’ behaviour. This study looks at the place of language leading to socialisation. The messages girls receive include that females should be modest, not sexualised. Males and society control females and this is learned in examples such as this, from a young age. This therefore could strengthen traditional gender roles.

Focal socialisation

Judith Harris (1998) looked at the comparative influence of parents and peer groups, concluding that the peer group can be more influential than the family in shaping children’s identities. Peer pressure is an important influence on behaviour – though as Harris points out, peer groups don’t push, they pull. She means that an individual’s desire to conform is a stronger influence than the peer group’s overt pressure/bullying. From this Harris noted re socialisation can occur, changing one’s norms and values received in primary socialisation.

Ethnic socialisation

Tony Sewell (2000) uses the concept of ‘cultural comfort zones’ to describe the way in which we like to associate with those who are similar to ourselves – to stay in our comfort zone. He links this particularly to African-Caribbean boys, preferring to hang around in gangs with peers than to be in the white middle-class world of teachers and school, which is an alien environment. From this, young black youth strengthened their ethnic identity.

Ethnic socialisation

Key study Media representations of minority and majority ethnic groups – Van Dijk (1991) One study of media representations of minority and majority ethnic groups was Van Dijk’s (1991) content analysis of news reports in the UK (and the Netherland) over a ten-year period. His research highlighted a number of stereotypes that are used to portray black people in the media. Van Dijk’s ideas have been summarised under five categories (Moore et al. 2005); members of minority ethnic groups are portrayed: 1 as criminals – the word ‘black’ is often used in descriptions of criminals but ‘white’ is not generally used in this way. The study Policing the Crisis (Hall et al. 1978) discusses the use of this stereotype. In addition, Hall et al. argue that characterisations of patterns of crime around the term ‘mugger’ represent an example of a moral panic (see page 178) with the stereotypical portrayal of the ‘black mugger’ as an example of a ‘folk devil’. 2 as abnormal – media representation of the cultural practices of minority ethnic groups (such as arranged marriages) as odd or abnormal (Ethnic Focus 2004). There is evidence that members of such communities, object to homogeneous terms such as ‘Asian culture’ which conceal a diversity of cultural traditions with developing practices and values. Media representations of cultural values and practices among minority ethnic groups are often portrayed as contrasting with the ‘normal’ values and practices of the ‘host’ community. 3 as a threat – tabloid scares about immigrants and asylum-seekers taking jobs and using the resources of the welfare state. In particular, mainstream media representations of Islam have been described as a mixture of some fair-minded portrayals alongside widespread stereotypical portrayals of Muslims as ‘intolerant, misogynistic, violent or cruel, and finally, strange or different’ (Nahdi 2003). 4 as dependent – images of less developed countries tend to focus on what has been described as ‘coup-war-famine-starvation syndrome’ with little discussion of their exploitation by Western countries. Critics of representations that centre on highprofile celebrity endorsement of campaigns such as Make Poverty History and Live 8 suggest that there is an absence of balance in such portrayals.

Critics also argue that the perspective of developing nations themselves is often neglected, as is the perspective of minority ethnic groups within the contemporary UK. 5 As unimportant – the way in which priority is given to the reporting of issues affecting white people. This is seen as evident in the reporting of crimes against black and Asian people compared with the reporting of crimes against white people. Sir Ian Blair, a former Metropolitan Police Commissioner, spoke of ‘institutional racism’ among the British media in the pattern of reporting of murders. He cited the way in which newspapers devote less attention to the murders of people from minority ethnic backgrounds compared to the murders of those from the majority ethnic population (Ligali 2006). Van Dijk argued that the negative language used and lack of reference to quotations from minority ethnic sources resulted in biased reporting that gave a white perspective on news stories.

Social Class socialisation

Owen Jones - Chavs : the demonization of the working class

Jones mentions that the working class are demonised in the media, therefore are given a negative label of being ‘chavs’. He explains that shows such as the Jeremy Kyle show depict working and underclass individuals as being there to provide entertainment for viewers, and that their real-life issues around family affairs and DNA tests to correctly identify if children belong to certain parents are seen as a joke. He calls this chavtainment. The underclass are shown as being ‘the scum of the earth’. The media, Jones claims, is building up a stereotype of an undeserving poor.

Gender socialisation

Mulvey (1975) uses the concept of the ‘male gaze’ to describe how the camera in films ‘eyes up’ female characters, encouraging viewers to assess their bodies and their attractiveness, from a male perspective. Examples can be seen in James Bond films where women are notoriously portrayed in sexualised roles and clothing, as “men” view women. An example of this patriarchal ideology is the concept of the ‘male gaze’. This concept was introduced by feminist theorist Laura Mulvey (1975) to characterise cinema as an instrument of male spectatorship. This has many messages to women in the media socialisation of women. Mulvey used semiology in the analysis of films and the representation of women and her findings can be summarised in the key issues below:

● Film as a form of media manifests the patriarchy of the culture in which it is created.

● Hollywood films are structured around the male gaze.

● The concept of the male gaze implies an active male subject of the gaze and a passive female object of the gaze, which satisfies male fantasies and desires.

● The film experience is one motivated by a patriarchal ideology that seeks to objectify women.

Lack of work and gender socialisation

A crisis of masculinity. Mairtin Mac an Ghaill (1994) argue that the decline of male jobs in manufacturing industry has led to a crisis of masculinity. In the past working-class males found their identity and status as wage earners performing manual jobs which required physical strength. Such jobs have decreased in the last forty years and been replaced by more feminised jobs in the service sector. Traditional masculine roles are therefore under threat and many working-class boys feel uncertainty about their future roles, often perceiving qualifications as a waste of time. For some boys, alternative ways of achieving masculinity have become more attractive, for example laddish behaviour and anti-school subcultures. So, this could be used to argue that work or a lack of work socialises working class men into crisis of their role as a man.

Gender and work

Because of women’s unpaid domestic labour, they are available to work outside the home as a reserve army of labour for capitalism. Bruegel (1979) argues that the family is central to women’s oppression and points to the way that the ruling class use women to join the workforce when needed and send them back to the role of full-time

housewife when not required. Marxist feminists claim that the situation faced by women in the recent economic recessions experienced in the UK and elsewhere shows that women are the ones most affected by redundancies, low pay and job insecurity. This role and expectation of women, could be used to argue that the world of employment is teaching women: their main role is homemaker and any attempts to earn money should not be seen as equal to men’s or as important, they are merely the reserves.

Ethnicity and work

The dual labour market theory – Barron and Norris (1979) The dual labour market theory demonstrates how racial prejudice and discrimination can be seen in the distribution of ethnic minorities in the labour force. Barron and Norris distinguished between the primary labour market consisting of well-paid, secure jobs with good promotional prospects and the secondary labour market consisting of the worst jobs, lowest pay, worse conditions, least job security and very few promotional prospects. After detailed analysis of both labour markets, Barron and Norris reported that White men dominated the primary labour market and ethnic minorities were concentrated in the secondary labour market due to their lower cultural status. Barron and Norris’ theory therefore acknowledges that cultural discrimination exists and that stratification is not purely economic; the existence of status groups such as those based on ethnicity shows that stratification can also occur of the basis of cultural factors. Barron and Norris argue that ethnic minorities tend to be concentrated in the secondary labour market because many employers subscribe to racist beliefs about the unsuitability of Black and Asian people and may even practise discrimination against them, either by not employing them or by denying them responsibility and promotion. Furthermore, the legal and political framework supporting Black and Asian people is weak. Trades unions are generally White dominated and have been accused of favouring White workers and being less interested in protecting the rights of Black workers. Also, the Race Relations Act of 1976, which was supposed to protect Black people from discriminatory practices, has not worked as effectively as it could have. This work could be used to show how the world of work thus could be said to socialise ethnic groups into a lesser role, both in employment and thus in society.

Gender socialisation

Women in religion, Jean Holm (2001) In the introduction to the book Women in Religion (2001), Jean Holm seeks to explain the subordinate (lesser) role of women in religion. Firstly, she takes an historical approach and argues that the position of women in religion was higher at an earlier period in history. Holm points to notable examples from early founders or leading figures of major world religions to support this view:

● ‘Jesus included women among his followers, and is recorded as having welcomed contact with women who were regarded as ‘beyond the pale’ in the society of his day, while Paul, who has suffered from the reputation of being a misogynist, declared that there was ‘neither male nor female; for you are all one in Christ Jesus’.’

● ‘Muhammad greatly enhanced the status of women in Arabia, ensuring that they were entitled to a share of inheritance, taking steps to provide for widows who were left destitute, and banning infanticide (which usually affected girl babies), and he is even recorded as having appointed a woman to lead the prayers in a household of men and women.’

● ‘Guru Nanak proclaimed the equality of men and women, and both he and the Gurus who succeeded him allowed women to take full part in all the activities of Sikh worship and practice.’ (2001)

However, Jean Holm 1994 suggests various restrictions on the participation of women contribute to the devaluation of women in many contemporary religions. EG’s:

· In the Roman Catholic Church, the Pope, all the cardinals, archbishops, bishops and priests are men. Most branches of Islam do not recognise female Imams, although there is some debate among Islamic scholars about whether women can ever lead prayers and whether for female-only or mixed congregations. There have been female Rabbis since the 1970s but it is still condemned by orthodox Jews.

· There is a traditional gender division of labour in many religious organisations with an expectation that women will serve tea and cakes after the service, for instance.

· The purdah in Islam, where religious women are secluded from society, including the wearing of veils, etc. is seen by some feminists as exemplifying and entrenching patriarchy.

· In several religions, women are presented as temptresses who distract men from the serious business of worship. In the bible, it is the first woman, Eve, who disobeys God and then goes on to tempt Adam and bring about his downfall too.

Some feminists such as Holm therefore argue females are socialised into a lesser position, by religion.

Social class socialisation

Marx observed/claimed that, in practice, religious teachings are enforced by churches and that these teachings actually function to keep people in a state of oppression. They do this in various ways:

● Some religions, such as Christianity, teach people that there is an afterlife in which they will receive a reward for adhering to religious teachings in this life. This can mean that working-class people are not encouraged to seek to change their lives now but to wait for a change in the life to come after death.

● Religions may teach that God creates the social order and that people should accept their position in society without complaint.

Marx was an historical thinker who analysed the social order in earlier societies such as those in mediaeval Europe and he explored the ways in which religion taught that Kings and Queens were seen as exercising authority on behalf of God. He saw a similar pattern of religious teachings in the Christianity of his own era, in that religion was used to justify the power of the state. While Marx saw religion as being an instrument of ruling class control, he also suggested that it offers emotional comfort for working-class people. However, he saw this comfort as illusory and acted like an intoxicant or drug. A famous quotation from Marx illustrates this view: ‘Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people’ (Marx, 1844)

Basic norms and values

Talcott Parsons (1902 – 1979) (1965) put forward a functionalist account of the role of religion in society. He contended that the social norms that guide people’s behaviour are integrated into systems of values by religious teachings. An example might be the role of Christian moral guidelines, such as the Ten Commandments, and the ways in which these guidelines can have an effect on individual conduct and also on legal systems and family codes. In addition to the role of religion in teaching social norms, Parsons also follows Malinowski’s view of the significance of religious rituals for people when responding to challenging and difficult life events such as the death of a loved one and to unfairness and contradictions in the social order.