Roussou (2000) On the Left Periphery

Purpose of the Paper

  • Unified account of the particles θa, na, and as in Greek.

  • Refine the articulated Complementizer Phrase (CP) structure proposed by Rizzi (1997).

Key Arguments

  • Particles θa, na, and as occupy the lower C head specified for modality.

  • Na and as raise to a higher C head, similar to Rizzi's Force, differing from θa.

  • Additional C head characterized as a subordinator/connector.

Structure of the CP

  • Proposed tripartite C structure placing FocusP/TopicP between two higher C heads.

  • Addresses the positions of negation and verb placement in imperatives and gerunds.

Modal Particles in Modern Greek

  • Various modal particles with distinct functions:

    • θa: Future marker, used in periphrastic future constructions.

    • na: Subjunctive marker.

    • as: Hortative, used in direct speech, found only in root contexts.

Distribution and Properties

  • Particles show similar distribution: they precede clitics, can take dependent verbal forms.

  • Different properties identified in examples:

    • θa follows negation; min appears with na/as only.

    • θa is compatible with oti and an, while na is not.

Previous Analyses

  • Rivero (1994): na and θa in a Modal Phrase below NegP but above TP.

  • Two problematic aspects:

    • Why na moves only to Neg.

    • Min appear without na; implications for negation.

  • Philippaki-Warburton: na in MoodP above NegP; θa marking future tense.

Analysis Approaches

  1. Analysis 1: Particles θa and na in Modal Phrase.

  2. Analysis 2: na as a Mood marker, θa as T head with epistemic interpretations.

  3. Analysis 3: na as a complementizer, but faces contradictions with wh-phrases in interrogatives.

Proposed Structure Refinement

Articulated C-Structure

  • Treat θa, na, and as as C heads realizing modal elements.

  • Modal particles are non-inflectional and appear above the IP domain.

  • All three particles betoken modality and need to be positioned in C domains.

Negation Positioning

  • Two NegPs proposed:

    • Higher (δen) preceding the two Cs.

    • Lower (min) in the IP domain before clitics.

  • Analysis adjusts the structure to account for negation distributions.

Interaction with Topics and Focus

  • Modify Rizzi's structure with proposals for Topic and Focus placement.

  • Topic/Focus can occur before higher C heads, while na is restricted.

  • New structure accounts for various grammatical distributions in sentences involving oti and na.

Imperatives and Gerunds

Imperatives

  • Greek imperatives show complementary distribution with modal particles.

Gerunds

  • Gerunds do not inflect, found lower than negation in CP domain, negated by min.

  • Both need to be accounted for in their interaction with the modal particles.

Conclusion

  • θa, na, and as are modal particles in the C domain; - θa only in CM.

  • Complementizers oti and an occupy COp and the highest C.

  • Proposed structure enhances Rizzi's model with additional insights, placing Focus and Topics correctly.