Russia and the Revolutions 1900-1924

Russia and the Revolutions, 1900-1924

Summary of Events

• Early 20th century Russia was troubled, with Tsar Nicholas II (1894-1917) ruling as an autocrat.
• Nicholas II failed to address the country's problems, leading to unrest and criticism.
• The situation climaxed in 1905 due to Russian defeats in the war against Japan (1904-1905), a general strike, and an attempted revolution.
• Nicholas II made concessions in the October Manifesto, granting an elected parliament (Duma).
• The Duma proved ineffective, increasing unrest and culminating in two revolutions in 1917 after disastrous Russian defeats in World War I.
• February/March Revolution: Overthrew the Tsar and established a moderate provisional government.
• October/November Revolution (Bolshevik Revolution): Overthrew the provisional government.
• The Bolshevik government faced opposition (the Whites), leading to a civil war (1918-1920).
• Led by Lenin and Trotsky, the Bolsheviks (Reds) won the civil war and consolidated their power.
• Lenin initiated Russia's recovery but died prematurely in January 1924.

16.1 After 1905: Were the Revolutions of 1917 Inevitable?

(a) Nicholas II Tries to Stabilize His Regime

• Nicholas II survived the 1905 revolution because:
  • His opponents were not united.
  • There was no central leadership; it was a spontaneous uprising.
  • Most of the army remained loyal.
  • He compromised by issuing the October Manifesto, promising concessions such as:
    • Allowing an elected parliament (Duma).
    • Granting basic civil liberties: freedom of conscience, speech, assembly, and association.
    • Universal suffrage in Duma elections.
    • Ensuring no law could operate without Duma approval.
• The Manifesto aimed to appease moderate liberal reformers, providing Tsarism with an opportunity to establish a constitutional monarchy.
• The Manifesto did not address crucial demands:
  • Improvements in industrial working conditions and pay.
  • Cancellation of redemption payments which were annual payments by peasants for their freedom and land after serfdom abolition in 1861.
  • An amnesty for political prisoners.
• Nicholas II had little intention of adhering to the October Manifesto.

The Dumas

• First Duma (1906): Not democratically elected; landowners and the middle class were over-represented. It demanded:
  • Confiscation of large estates.
  • A genuinely democratic electoral system.
  • The right of the Duma to approve the Tsar's ministers.
  • The right to strike and the abolition of the death penalty.
• Nicholas II deemed these demands too drastic and dispersed the Duma with troops after ten weeks.
• Second Duma (1907): Met the same fate; Nicholas then altered the voting system, disenfranchising peasants and urban workers.
• Third Duma (1907-1912) & Fourth Duma (1912-1917): More conservative and lasted longer. They criticized the government but lacked real power because the Tsar controlled ministers and the secret police.
• Some observers were surprised that Nicholas II could dismiss the first two Dumas without provoking a general strike, as revolutionary fervor had temporarily subsided.
• An improved economy after 1906 led to debate about the inevitability of the 1917 revolutions.
  • The liberal view suggested that living standards were improving and revolution might have been avoided if Russia had stayed out of World War I.
  • The Soviet view asserted that the Tsar's disregard for his 1905 promises made revolution inevitable.
  • The situation was deteriorating again before World War I, suggesting the 'unfinished' revolution of 1905-1906 would resume.

(b) Strengths of the Regime

• The government recovered quickly, retaining most of its powers.
• Peter Stolypin, prime minister from 1906 to 1911, used strict repressive measures, executing around 4000 people over three years.
• He also introduced reforms to win over the peasants, believing 20 years of peace would prevent revolution.
  • Redemption payments were abolished.
  • Peasants were encouraged to buy their own land; about 2 million did so by 1916 and another 3.5 million emigrated to Siberia.
  • This created a class of well-off peasants (kulaks) expected to support the government.
• Factory inspections improved working conditions, and rising industrial profits led to a more prosperous workforce.
• A workers' sickness and accident insurance scheme was introduced in 1912.
• In 1908, a program for universal education within ten years was announced; by 1914, 50,000 new primary schools had been opened.
• Revolutionary parties appeared weakened, lacking funds, divided by disagreements, and with leaders in exile.

(c) Weaknesses of the Regime

• Failure of Land Reforms:
  • By 1911, Stolypin's land reforms were failing because the peasant population was growing too rapidly (1.5 million a year).
  • Inefficient farming methods could not adequately support the growing population.
  • Stolypin's assassination in 1911 removed a capable tsarist minister who might have saved the monarchy.
• Industrial Unrest:
  • Strikes erupted after the shooting of 270 striking gold miners in the Lena goldfields in Siberia (April 1912).
  • There were over 2000 strikes in 1912, 2400 in 1913, and over 4000 in the first seven months of 1914, indicating that pre-1905 grievances remained.
• Government Repression:
  • The government continued its repressive policies, with the secret police targeting revolutionaries among students and lecturers and deporting Jews.
  • Alienating peasants, industrial workers, and the intelligentsia (educated classes) created a dangerous situation.
• Revival of Revolutionary Parties:
  • The fortunes of revolutionary parties, especially the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, revived by 1912.
  • These groups emerged from the Social Democrat Labour Party, which adhered to Marxism.
  • Karl Marx (1818-1883) believed economic factors drove historical change and that workers (proletariat) were exploited by capitalists (bourgeoisie).
  • Marx predicted that industrialized societies would see workers rise against their exploiters to establish 'the dictatorship of the proletariat'.
  • Eventually, the 'state' would 'wither away'.
• Vladimir Lenin and the Bolsheviks:
  • One of the Social Democrat leaders was Vladimir Lenin, who helped edit the revolutionary newspaper Iskra (The Spark).
  • The party split in 1903 over an election to Iskra's editorial board, creating Lenin's supporters, the Bolsheviks ('majority'), and the Mensheviks ('minority').
  • Lenin and the Bolsheviks advocated a small, disciplined party of professional revolutionaries working full-time for revolution.
  • Believing industrial workers were a minority, Lenin sought to involve peasants in revolutionary activity.
• The Mensheviks:
  • The Mensheviks favored open party membership and believed revolution in Russia required full industrialization and a large industrial workforce.
  • They distrusted peasant cooperation, viewing them as largely conservative.
  • The Mensheviks were strict Marxists, focused on a proletarian revolution, while Lenin deviated from Marxism.
  • In 1912, the Bolshevik newspaper Pravda (Truth) played a critical role in publicizing Bolshevik ideas and directing the growing strike movement.
• The Social Revolutionaries:
  • The Social Revolutionaries were another revolutionary party.
  • They were not Marxists; they opposed increasing industrialization and did not envision a proletarian revolution.
  • They desired a mainly agrarian society based on peasant communities after the tsarist regime's overthrow.
• The Royal Family Discredited:
  • The royal family faced scandals, including suspicions that Nicholas was involved in Stolypin's murder.
  • The royal family's association with Rasputin, a 'holy man' who aided the Tsar's hemophiliac son Alexei, damaged their reputation.
  • Rasputin gained influence, but his drunkenness and affairs led to public criticism.
  • Alexandra ignored the scandals and requests for Rasputin's removal.

(d) The Verdict?

• Evidence suggests Russia was heading towards upheaval before World War I.
• A Bolshevik-organized general strike occurred in St. Petersburg in July 1914, involving demonstrations, shootings, and barricades.
• The strike ended on July 15, just before the war began; the government still had control of the army and police.
• Historians such as George Kennan, Leopold Haimson, and Sheila Fitzpatrick believed the tsarist regime would have collapsed even without World War I.
• Other historians, such as Christopher Read and Robert Service, argue the monarchy's overthrow was not inevitable.
• They suggest the pre-1914 situation could have continued without the war.
• Service described Russia as being in a state of 'general brittleness', a 'vulnerable plant' but not doomed to 'root-and-branch revolution'.
• Soviet historians maintained that revolution was historically inevitable and that the war delayed it.

(e) War Failures Made Revolution Certain

• Historians agree that Russian failures in World War I made revolution inevitable, causing troops and police to mutiny.
• The war exposed incompetence, corruption, and equipment shortages.
• Poor transport and distribution meant that arms and ammunition were slow to reach the front.
• Food shortages in cities were caused by military monopolization of trains.
• Bread was scarce and expensive.
• Nicholas II's decision to appoint himself supreme commander in August 1915 was a fatal mistake.
• His tactical errors negated Brusilov's offensive and led to blame for defeats and high death rates.
• By January 1917, most groups were disillusioned with the Tsar's handling of the war.
• The aristocracy, the Duma, industrialists, and the army considered sacrificing him to prevent a more radical revolution.
• General Krimov spoke of an imminent coup d'état to Duma members, indicating widespread support for drastic action.

16.2 The Two Revolutions: February/March and October/November 1917

• The revolutions are known as the February and October Revolutions because Russia still used the Julian calendar, which was 13 days behind the Gregorian calendar.
• Russia adopted the Gregorian calendar in 1918.
• In this section, the Julian calendar is used for internal events, and the Gregorian calendar for international events until February 1, 1918.

(a) The February Revolution

• The first revolution began on February 23 when bread riots broke out in Petrograd.
• Strikers from an armaments factory joined the rioters.
• The Tsar ordered troops to suppress the demonstrations, leading to 40 deaths.
• Some troops refused to fire, and the Petrograd garrison mutinied.
• Mobs seized public buildings, released prisoners, and took over police stations.
• The Duma advised Nicholas to establish a constitutional monarchy, but he refused and sent more troops.
• The Duma and generals then concluded that Nicholas had to abdicate.
• On March 2, Nicholas abdicated in favor of his brother, the Grand Duke Michael, who refused the throne, ending the Russian monarchy.
• The nature of the revolution (from above or below, organized or spontaneous) is debated among historians.
  • George Katkov believed a conspiracy among the elite forced Nicholas to abdicate to prevent a mass revolution.
  • W. H. Chamberlin argued it was a spontaneous, leaderless revolution from below.
  • Traditional liberal historians did not believe revolutionary parties played a significant role.
  • Soviet historians agreed it was a revolution from below and that the Bolsheviks had an instrumental role.
  • Recent Western historians support the theory of a mass uprising from below, not necessarily led by the Bolsheviks.
  • Historians like Christopher Read, Diane Koenker, and Steve Smith emphasize economic motivations: better conditions, higher wages, and more control over their lives.

(b) The Provisional Government

• Most people expected a democratic republic with an elected parliament to replace the Tsarist system.
• The Duma formed a mainly liberal provisional government under Prince George Lvov, later replaced by Alexander Kerensky, a moderate socialist.
• The new government struggled with the same problems as the Tsar.
• A second revolution on October 25 overthrew the provisional government and brought the Bolsheviks to power.

(c) Why Did the Provisional Government Fall From Power So Soon?

• Continued War Effort:
  • The unpopular decision to continue the war led to the disastrous June offensive, which collapsed army morale and discipline, causing mass desertions.
• Shared Power with the Petrograd Soviet:
  • The government had to share power with the Petrograd Soviet, an elected committee of soldiers' and workers' representatives.
  • Soviets appeared in Moscow and other cities.
  • The Petrograd Soviet ordered soldiers to obey only the soviet, undermining the government's authority over the army.
• Delayed Elections and Land Reform:
  • The government delayed elections for a Constituent Assembly, citing the war.
  • It also failed to redistribute land from large estates to peasants.
  • Peasants began seizing land, boosting Bolshevik support.
• Lenin's Return and Theses:
  • Lenin returned from exile in Switzerland (April), facilitated by the Germans hoping he would cause chaos.
  • In his April Theses, he urged the Bolsheviks to withdraw support for the provisional government, transfer power to the soviets, and exit the war.
• Economic Chaos:
  • Increasing economic chaos, including inflation, rising bread prices, lagging wages, and shortages, plagued the country.
  • Industry suffered from a lack of investment.
  • The Bolsheviks offered a seemingly realistic and appealing policy: peace with Germany, land to the peasants, workers' control, and cheaper food.
• The 'July Days':
  • A large demonstration of workers, soldiers, and sailors marched on the Tauride Palace, demanding the soviet take power, but the soviet refused.
  • The government brought in loyal troops, accused the Bolsheviks of inciting an uprising, and falsely reported Lenin as a German spy.
  • The Bolsheviks' popularity declined, Lenin fled to Finland, and other leaders were arrested.
  • Richard Pipes believes Lenin planned the affair from the beginning, while Robert Service suggests Lenin was 'testing the waters'.
  • The demonstration was likely spontaneous, and Lenin decided it was too early for a full-scale uprising.
• The Kornilov Affair:
  • General Kornilov moved troops against the soviet, leading to his arrest by Kerensky after many soldiers mutinied.
  • Army discipline collapsed, public opinion shifted against the war, and support for the Bolsheviks increased.
  • The Bolsheviks gained a majority in the Petrograd and Moscow soviets.
  • Leon Trotsky became Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet.
• The Bolshevik Seizure of Power:
  • In mid-October, the Petrograd Soviet, urged by Lenin, decided to seize power.
  • Leon Trotsky planned the coup, which was carried out on the night of October 25-26.
  • Bolshevik Red Guards and troops took over key buildings and surrounded the Winter Palace.
  • The provisional government ministers were arrested (except Kerensky, who escaped).
  • Lenin announced the overthrow of the provisional government in an almost bloodless coup.
• The Bolsheviks were organized and focused, unlike other revolutionary groups.
• The Mensheviks believed the revolution should wait until the industrial workforce was larger.
• Lenin and Trotsky combined both revolutions into one.
• The Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries walked out of the Second Congress of Soviets, leaving Lenin and the Bolsheviks in control to establish the Council of People's Commissars (Sovnarkom).

(d) Coup or Mass Insurrection?

• The official Soviet interpretation described the Bolshevik takeover as a popular movement: workers, peasants, soldiers, and sailors supported the Bolsheviks' revolutionary ideas which included peace, land, worker control, soviet government, and self-determination.
• Lenin was portrayed as a charismatic leader.
• Soviet historians point out that Bolsheviks only had to use force in 16 out of 97 major centers.
• The popular nature of the revolution legitimized the Communist regime.
• The traditional liberal interpretation rejected the Soviet view, arguing the Bolsheviks were a minority group who exploited chaos to seize power.
• They were successful due to organization and ruthlessness.
• Adam Ulam: 'The Bolsheviks did not seize power… they picked it up.'
• Richard Pipes believes the October Revolution was driven by Lenin's desire for power.
• The libertarian interpretation views the October Revolution as a popular uprising separate from the Bolsheviks.
• The masses acted upon their own desires, not Bolshevik pressure.
• Alexander Berkman: 'The shop and factory committees were the pioneers in labour control of industry'.
• The libertarians believed the Bolsheviks hijacked the popular revolution, suppressing genuine democracy and freedom.
• Revisionist interpretations emphasize the political awareness and activism of ordinary people.
• They were involved in trade unions and soviets and in some places influenced by the Bolsheviks.
• Christopher Read believes the revolution was driven by spontaneous grassroots impulses.
• Robert Service stresses Lenin’s role: Lenin used the revolutionary situation brilliantly to give the impression that the Bolsheviks would facilitate revolution by and for the people. He encouraged the masses to exercise their own initiative.
• The popular movement thought it was going to get government by the soviets.
• Although the circumstances were right and there was hardly any resistance to the Bolsheviks, it still needed that small group of people with the nerve and the resolve to use the situation.
• Lenin and Trotsky made the revolution happen by judging the point of maximum unpopularity of the provisional government.

(e) Lenin and the Bolsheviks Consolidate Their Control

• The Bolsheviks were in control in Petrograd as a result of their coup, but in some places the takeover was not so smooth.
• Fighting lasted a week in Moscow before the soviet won control, and it was the end of November before other cities were brought to heel.
• Country areas were more difficult to deal with, and at first the peasants were only lukewarm towards the new government.
• Very few people expected the Bolshevik government to last long because of the complexity of the problems facing it.

16.3 How Successfully Did Lenin and the Bolsheviks Deal With Their Problems (1917-1924)?

(a) Lack of Majority Support

• The Bolsheviks had nothing like majority support in the country as a whole.
• One problem therefore was how to keep themselves in power and yet allow free elections.
• One of Lenin's first decrees nationalized all land, including former crown estates and land belonging to the church, without compensation, so that it could be redistributed among the peasants and, so he hoped, win their support.
• The decree on workers' control gave industrial workers authority over their managers and was intended to reduce unrest and strikes in factories.
• Another decree limited the working day in factories to eight hours.
• Other decrees included granting self-determination to every national group, nationalizing banks, large factories and mines, and cancelling all debts incurred by the tsarist government and the Provisional government.
• One major concession that Lenin and Trotsky were prepared to make was to allow some Left Social Revolutionaries to act as junior partners in the government, because they had far more support than the Bolsheviks in rural areas.
• At the same time they took steps to deal with any opposition.
• The government claimed the right to close down hostile newspapers and journals, and set up a new security police force named the Extraordinary Commission for Combating Sabotage and Counter-Revolution (Cheka), led by Felix Dzierzynski.
• Lenin knew that he would have to allow elections, since he had criticized Kerensky so bitterly for postponing them; but he sensed that a Bolshevik majority in the Constituent Assembly was highly unlikely.
• Kerensky had arranged elections for mid-November, and they went ahead as planned.
• Lenin's worst fears were realized: the Bolsheviks won 175 seats out of about 700, but the Social Revolutionaries (SRs) won 370; the Mensheviks won only 15, Left Social Revolutionaries 40, various nationality groups 80 and Kadets (Constitutional Democrats who wanted genuine democracy) 17.
• Under a genuine democratic system, the SRs, who had an overall majority, would have formed a government under their leader, Viktor Chernov.
• However, Lenin was determined that the Bolsheviks were going to stay in power; there was no way in which he was going to hand it over to the SRs, or even share it, after the Bolsheviks had done all the hard work of getting rid of the Provisional Government.
• After some anti-Bolshevik speeches at the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly (January 1918), it was dispersed by Bolshevik Red Guards and not allowed to meet again.
• Lenin's justification for this undemocratic action was that it was really the highest form of democracy: since the Bolsheviks knew what the workers wanted, they had no need of an elected parliament to tell them.
• The Assembly must take second place to the Congress of Soviets and Sovnarkom (the Council of People's Commissars).
• Armed force had triumphed for the time being, but opposition was to lead to civil war later in the year.

(b) The War With Germany

• The next pressing problem was how to withdraw from the war.
• An armistice between Russia and the Central Powers had been agreed in December 1917, but long negotiations followed during which Trotsky tried, without success, to persuade the Germans to moderate their demands.
• The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (March 1918) was cruel: Russia lost Poland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, the Ukraine, Georgia and Finland; this included a third of Russia's farming land, a third of her population, two-thirds of her coalmines and a great deal of her industry. Despite its harsh terms ,Lenin regarded it as essential if the Bolsheviks were to consolidate their power.