Batok: The Exploration of Indigenous Filipino Tattooing as a Resistive Collective Occupation
Batok: The Exploration of Indigenous Filipino Tattooing as a Resistive Collective Occupation
Abstract
Batok (also known as Fatek/Burik/Tatak/Batek/Patik) is an Indigenous Filipino tattooing practice.
A practitioner marks the skin by hand-tapping ink using bone/wood implements.
Research explores batok's experience by individuals and their community.
Thematic analysis identified themes: Kapwa, Revealing One’s Batok, and Decolonization and Reclamation as a Cultural Practice.
Batok is conceptualized as a resistive collective occupation.
Research expands understanding of decolonizing occupations.
Keywords
Occupational science
Collective occupation
Resistive occupation
Filipino tattooing
Decolonization
Indigenous Tattooing
Has a broad history across the world.
For Māori people in New Zealand, “mau moko” involves:
Remembering life moments.
Symbolizing honor or bereavement (Te Awekotuku, 2009).
Revering those who have died.
Narrative, telling the story.
Communicating values of identity, resilience, and mortality (Te Awekotuku, 2009).
For Inuit and Yupik women, tattoos are transformative and create gendered identity (Carrillo, 2014).
Batok
Also known as Fatek/Burik/Tatak/Batek/Patik.
An Ilokano term describing Indigenous Filipino tattooing.
The tattoo practitioner (mambabatok) marks the skin by hand-tapping ink (typically pine soot and water).
Uses bone/wood implements with “needles” (made from iron, steel, brass, bamboo, or thorns of an orange/lemon tree) lashed across one end of the tool (Wilcken, 2010).
Batok can refer to:
Physical markings on the skin.
Overall process and active engagement of the recipient, practitioner, and community.
Traditionally, earning batok was a sign of nobility, bravery, or maturity (Wilcken, 2010).
It intertwines experience and expression of words, sounds, imagery, and text (Clariza, 2019).
Used to classify families, socioeconomic status, acts of valor, roles within the community, and forms of treatments (Demetrio III, 2017).
Location represented the nature of the task.
More batok correlated to bravery and nobility (Ocampo & Castronuevo, 2016).
Women received markings after their first period as a sign of eligibility of being a life-bearer, while men received them as proof of a worthy and courageous task.
Modern-day batok varies in materials, but traditional elements remain the same.
The experience involves a ceremony with participation in celebrating the individual acquiring the batok.
Sacred prayer chants, food/gift offerings, and discussion of ancestral lineage typically occur before markings.
Stretchers (individuals who stretch the area of skin being marked) are present while the mambabatok marks skin.
Rituals, such as the proper release of food/gift offerings and disposal of blood shed, are completed after the ceremony.
The ceremony may take hours to days, and rituals are fundamental.
The practice is traditionally approved by an elder.
Community members are in direct, physical contact with the recipient, indicating great trust.
In modern-day batok, elder approval is discretionary.
Stigmatization of tattooing in modern Philippine culture has hindered many Filipinos.
Ocampo and Castronuevo (2016) found that tattooed people experienced a lack of parental approval.
Parents may believe tattooing is not good for anyone’s image.
The meaning of the tattoo may differ between the person and their parent.
The connection between the community and the individual is important.
History of Colonization
Batok is situated in hundreds of years of history, originating in the pre-colonial Philippine era around the 1500s, which ended in 1521 with Spanish colonizers (Wilcken, 2010).
Study and documentation derive from the Cordillera Mountain region.
Spanish conversion of Indigenous people to Christianity.
In 1783, the Treaty of Paris gave the US control of the Philippines.
The US criminalized headhunting, associated with traditional tattooing (Barton, 1949; Salvador-Amores, 2011).
Christianity introduced the concept of kababain (shame).
US colonizers deemed those with tattoos as “uncivilized non-Christians” (Salvador-Amores, 2011, p. 310).
Education reinforced stigmatization, and US culture influenced perceptions of tattoos as shameful.
Filipinos were educated to wear clothing to hide tattoos to obtain jobs.
As the Philippines became more religious, modernized, and colonized, batok diminished.
In the 1970s and 1980s, President Ferdinand E. Marcos offered overseas Filipino migrant workers connection through remittances, visits, and investment (Aguila, 2015).
The Filipino migration ensued, increasing the international presence of Filipinos.
Modern-day batok has gained media attention, highlighting its importance and preservation.
This allows Filipinos to connect and integrate Indigenous history into their cultural identity (Honma, 2015).
Whang-Od, born in 1917, is considered the last traditional mambabatok.
She is credited for popularizing and preserving the practice.
Local government in the Cordillera region supported preservation (Demetrio III, 2017).
US-based tattooists, like Lane Wilcken, have promoted preservation (Wilcken, 2010).
Collective Occupation
Occupations are defined as everyday meaningful activities (World Federation of Occupational Therapists, 2012).
Fogelberg and Frauwirth (2010) expanded on shared occupations as systems across individual, group, community, and population levels.
Ramugondo and Kronenberg (2015) defined collective occupation as activities engaged in by various levels with intention towards social cohesion and advancement of a common good.
They utilized the African ethic of ‘ubuntu’.
Highlights humans are shaped through interaction (p. 11).
Individual and community are in a constant shared process of becoming (p. 12).
Collective occupations are situated in historical and cultural context.
They involve communal relationships and provide identity in social relations (Valderrama Núñez et al., 2021, p. 252).
Collective doing impacts belonging and identity.
Peralta-Catipon (2009) examined Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong gathering in a public square.
Collective occupation holds community together and strengthens social fabric (Kantartzis & Molineux, 2017).
Critical factor is individual’s intentionality and shared vision (Ramugondo & Kronenberg).
Intentionality strengthens the perspective that completing an occupation will allow the occupational system to benefit.
Colonialism and Resistive Occupation
It can be used as resistance to ameliorate injustices caused by oppressive forces (Valderrama Núñez et al., 2021).
Colonialism indicates a situation where a more powerful nation exploits and controls Indigenous peoples and their land (Huff et al., 2022, p. 23).
Colonialism includes violence, erasure of cultural traditions, and opportunities to engage in meaningful occupation.
Certain values resist oppression, like ubuntu in South Africa (Ramugondo & Kronenberg, 2015).
Sutra, A’wna, and Sumud in Palestine (Simaan, 2017).
Built on a communal values system (Simaan, 2017, p. 520).
Recognizes the connection between people and the environment.
Examples include:
Artisanal fishing and harvesting medicinal plants in Chile (Valderrama Núñez et al., 2021).
Olive growing in Palestine (Simaan, 2017).
Income-producing occupations for women in Tanzania (Huff et al., 2022).
Graffiti by Warlpiri adolescents in Australia (Russell, 2008).
Oral transmission in Palestine (El-Qasem, 2019).
These occupations are active forms of resistance to colonial ways of thinking and acting.
Collective occupation is a process of decolonization.
A bottom-up disobedience that revives Indigenous ideas and challenges colonization (Beautiful Trouble, n.d.).
Resistive occupations are decolonizing occupations.
Intention is to undo the effects of colonization with the aim of liberation through occupation.
Given the impact of colonialism on occupation in the Philippines, the concepts of decolonizing and resistive collective occupations are important to consider in the exploration of modern-day batok.
European Tattooing
Occupational science research has recognized its practice as an occupation (Kay & Brewis, 2017).
Tied non-Indigenous tattooing in the UK to doing, being, becoming, and belonging (Hitch et al., 2014).
Doing is active engagement (Hitch et al., 2014).
Preparation and process, which can take considerable time and effort.
Being is about remaining true to oneself and bringing uniqueness to relationships (Wilcock, 1999).
Tattoos are personal and important to individual identity.
Becoming is about one’s impression of a future (Wilcock, 1999).
Tattoos are a form of expression and acceptance of self and the past.
Belonging is the idea that individuals are bigger than themselves (Hitch et al., 2014).
Tattoos connect oneself with who is present or someone who has passed, or as a symbol to identify oneself as part of the community.
Combination of doing, being, becoming, and belonging is a dynamic balance in achieving optimal health through occupation (Hitch et al., 2014; Wilcock, 1999).
Tattoos have become more prevalent in Western contexts.
Motivations may be individual, such as beauty, art, fashion, individuality, personal narrative, physical endurance, addiction, sexual desire, and impulse (Wohlrab et al., 2007).
Or socio-cultural including group affiliation, resistance, and affiliation to culture or spirituality.
Individuals may require a lengthy research process and multiple scheduled visits (Goulding et al., 2004).
Some motivations can appear similar to non-Indigenous tattooing.
Individuals may acquire tattoos to commemorate and maintain a connection with a significant relationship (Kay & Brewis, 2017).
Tattoos can represent ways of healing from past experiences (Claes et al., 2005) and provide empowerment over one’s body (Hawkes et al., 2004).
Through tattooing, individuals can feel more connected and have a deeper understanding of their feelings, self, and others.
Similar research attention has not been paid to Indigenous tattooing practices, specifically batok.
This study explores the experience of batok for the recipient and their identified community.
The guiding research question was: What is the experience of the occupation of batok for the individual and their community?
Methods
Design: A phenomenological approach.
Reveals the meaning of lived experiences (Carpenter & Suto, 2008).
Focuses on the life world of the participant (Creswell, 1998).
Experiences of Filipino batok recipients and family/community were explored through interviews.
Thematic analysis was used.
Institutional Review Board’s approval was granted.
Participants: Given the communal role of family, family/community members were included as participants.
Networked with a known community liaison.
Inclusion criteria:
Identified as Filipino.
Participated in a batok ceremony.
Received a batok tattoo.
Has family/community member(s) willing to discuss the individual’s batok and process.
Snowball sampling was used.
Recruitment flyers were posted on social networking pages.
Interested participants contacted researchers for information.
Participants were sent a secure online form with consent and demographic questionnaire.
Participants provided demographic information and pseudonyms.
Participants were grouped by family, residing in the US.
Data Collection
Interviews are used as the main method for collecting data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Interview questions were guided by doing, being, becoming, and belonging; collective occupation guiding questions were added.
Questions were separated into two categories: individual with batok and their community.
Pilot interview conducted to screen interview questions.
Seven individual in-depth interviews were conducted in English, lasting approximately 1 hour.
Interviews were video recorded and audio transcribed using Otter.
Data Analysis
Thematic analysis aligns with a phenomenological approach (Chang & Wang, 2021, p. 6).
Achieve an understanding of patterns of meanings from data on lived experiences (Sundler et al., 2019, p. 736).
Reflexive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2021) was used.
Suspension of judgment (Creswell, 1998).
Process of personal reflexivity to determine how values and experiences shaped the research process was engaged.
Four identified as Filipino US American, and one identifies as US American.
Discussions on tattooing and Filipino culture occurred before data collection.
Data analysis involves a process of reduction, analyzing participant statements and themes, and searching for meaning (Creswell, 1998, p. 52).
Dedoose was used in the coding process.
Transcribed interviews were sent to the corresponding participant for review.
Immersion in interview transcriptions occurred with repeated readings.
Initial codes of the data were generated.
Accounted for bias.
Generated initial themes and collated coded data.
Data was re-read to accurately represent themes.
Three overall themes were identified, and eight sub-themes were added.
A written report capturing the narratives that went beyond transcription data and connected its impact on research aims was produced.
Findings
Kapwa
Kapwa (or Pakikipagkapwa) is a Tagalog sentiment defined as the connection between oneself and others among the Filipino community.
Recognizes that the Filipino identity is shared and that all humans have an equal value (David et al., 2017).
Kapwa consists of a collective identity shared among the community, ancestors, the individual, and their batok.
The shared connection is symbiotic.
Through batok, individuals and their community could better understand their purpose within their collective identity.
Participants expressed an increased sense of self, symbiotic connection to nature, and shared connection among others.
Sense of Self.
Participants built a stronger sense of self and belongingness.
Through batok, participants built upon distinguishing their values, truth, and collective Filipino identity.
The occupation of batok allowed people to become more conscious and connected with their inner selves.
Participants found a sense of belonging and strengthened their connection with others.
The meaning behind batok brought a deeper understanding and appreciation of their culture.
Symbiotic Connection in Nature Participants nurtured a symbiotic relationship with nature, their ancestors, and themselves.
Listened to nature to connect with their ancestors.
Believed ancestors would reveal their spirit through nature.
To hear ancestors, you would need to be in a state of quietness.
Batok often reflected a spiritual tie to ancestors through markings symbolizing nature.
Connections required respect and responsibility, proposing a more significant spiritual meaning through symbols.
Symbols of the batok markings are often derived from natural elements and are tailored to the individual based on their ancestral lineage.
Through the batok process, markings create a metaphysical connection between the individual and their ancestors.
Participants expressed this shared understanding of the responsibility that their markings possess and enhanced meaning when batok represented their ancestors.
Shared Connection Participants reported feelings of greater shared connection within their community, family, and culture.
Their batok journey had strengthened their familial relationships.
They could educate themselves about tradition and their ancestral lineage.
They felt more rooted and connected within their culture.
The feeling of connectedness expanded to other Filipinos in their community.
This communal experience of connectedness among Filipinos is shared amongst everyone and through the process of batok is deepened within the sense of collectiveness.
Revealing One’s Batok
Defined as a spiritual calling from nature or within themselves.
Solidified the decision to engage in the batok practice.
Marking designs are passed down for generations according to the specific region of their ancestors.
Through participating in the batok process, participants felt as if the batok was always part of them and was being revealed.
Calling/Intuition.
Participants expressed that the process of researching family identity, meditation, listening to self, and being with nature led to a spiritual calling that confirmed their decision to participate in batok.
Experiences of the spiritual callings were different.
Some felt the calling more than others, while some were still trying to learn and listen to their calling.
“Like they’ve always been there” Participants reported that the batok was always part of their body, and the process revealed it.
Participants also revealed a difference between batok and non-Indigenous tattoos.
Batok was beneath the layer of skin that needed to be revealed, while non-Indigenous tattoos are felt to have lesser importance.
Participants felt positive emotions related to the revelation of their batok.
Participants felt that through choosing whether to engage in the batok process, they experienced a calling from a spiritual being.
Through participating in batok, participants shared a positive impact and expressed that they felt their batok was always part of them.
Decolonization and Reclamation as a Cultural Practice
Despite the revival of the practice, stigma and barriers remain for the participants living in the US due to the colonization of the Philippines.
By engaging in batok, the participants are actively participating in breaking down barriers to decolonize and reclaim their traditions and a connection to the past.
Barriers.
The participants shared that they overcame barriers to engage in batok occupations to practice decolonization.
Families experienced confusion about batok due to remnants of colonization in modern Filipino culture.
Participants questioned whether they deserved to engage in the practice.
Questioning of whether one deserved to engage in the practice is an aspect of modern batok that was discussed with participants.
The participants’ engagement in batok includes research (family tree and geographical roots) and self-reflection.
Connection to the Past.
As part of decolonizing oneself and reclaiming their Indigenous heritage, participants felt that one must acknowledge, learn, and respect the past.
Participants reported that their batok served to honor the past, their ancestors, and themselves.
Batok has connected the present with the past, where a participant explained how her batok represented the future.
Served as a reminder to continue the work of decolonization and resistance that their ancestors were fighting for.
Batok served as a pathway to honor their past and reclaim traditions that were stolen from them.
It was also part of the work of recovery from the harms of colonization.
Decolonization is a continuous process that cannot end until its impact ceases to affect the people of the present.
Batok as an occupation plays an irreplaceable role in this process, both at an individual and community level.
Batok serves as a reminder of the past, ancestors, and honor.
Community has components of ceremonies.
Physical and spiritual processes.
Batok continues to challenge societal attitudes, rules, and expectations set in place by colonizers and reclaim Indigenous ways of being and doing.
Discussion
Building on previous research on tattooing, this study contributes to diverse understandings of families and individuals who engaged in batok.
The findings suggest a strong link between batok and the concepts of collective occupation and resistive occupation.
Batok as a Collective Occupation
European tattooing can be meaningful and motivating (Kay & Brewis, 2017).
European tattooing process implies an individualized, intrinsic motivation to acquire their tattoo.
The process differs in that the individual does not choose the markings.
They are determined by the geographical location of ancestral lineage.
The tattoo process involves both the individual acquiring the tattoo and the collaboration of the tattoo artist creating their desired tattoo design.
Communities of ancestors, family, and mambabatok apprentices also play a pivotal role in the batok ceremony.
Defining batok as a collective occupation enhances the perspective on the practice.
Recognizes that there is a shared belief of and intention by the community to honor the individual, their community, and their ancestors.
Can support social cohesion (Ramugondo & Kronenberg, 2015).
Batok enhances connection with a social community, resonating with themes of strengthening the social fabric through collective occupation (Kantartzis and Molineux, 2017).
Participants felt Kapwa was enhanced through the collective occupation of batok.
Connects them to self, community, ancestors, and nature.
Kapwa as a collective identity echoes the meaning of Ubuntu (Ramugondo & Kronenberg, 2015) and A’wna (Simaan, 2017).
Highlights the interconnected relationship between self, others, and nature.
Themes of this research widen the concept of doing, being, becoming, belonging by emphasizing the communal and collective way colonizations is resisted through occupation.
Batok as a Resistive and Decolonizing Occupation
Batok was experienced by participants as resistance to colonization and reclamation of Indigenous heritage through decolonization.
Pyatak and Muccitelli (2011) coined the term ‘resistive occupation’.
An active form of resistance through the participation in occupations that challenge the colonizing or dominant culture.
Batok reclaims an occupation condemned by colonial imposition.
Historically, batok served as a marker of identity and roles, actively erased by colonization (Demetrio III, 2017).
Reclaiming this practice was empowering for participants.
Batok was part of a process of decolonizing or “re-indigenizing” oneself.
Batok represented the future.
Was a reminder for participants to continue the ancestral work of decolonization and resistance.
The participants experiencing batok were resisting the legacy of historical colonization that deprived them of their cultural traditions.
These works of decolonization and reclamation present similarities to Ramugondo and Kronenberg’s (2015) explanation of collective occupations as working towards a common good.
By reviving an occupation stolen by colonization, the participants were engaged in decolonizing occupations and the liberation of a culture through collective doing.
Limitations and Implications for Future Research
The first limitation was the lack of participant diversity.
Further research would benefit from the inclusion of diverse gender(s) and age ranges of participants to learn more about gender and generational influence of the batok practice.
Incorporating batok markings from a variety of mambabatok practitioners may better represent the many regions where batok is practiced in the Philippines.
Our limited knowledge of the batok process might be a strength, as it may limit preconceived notions of this occupation.
Efforts were made to learn from those with lived experience.
Future research could harness enhanced participant involvement throughout the research process, empowering participants and communities through inclusion.
Participant observation, focus groups, or community interviews.
Interview questions could have been phrased to focus on more of a collective than individual experience.
Future research may explore how a community experiences resistive collective occupation.
Conclusion
Batok’s resurgence has revived an occupational experience for those native to the Philippines and the Filipino diaspora.
Kapwa, revealing one’s batok, decolonization and reclamation as a cultural practice were identified as facets experienced by participants.
The practice and possession of the physical markings were defined as being in opposition to dominant colonial impositions from the Philippines.
Exploration within an occupational science framework can aid in reducing the residual stigma from colonization.
Acknowledgement of the importance of diverse occupations and the impact that community has on their experience.
Future studies researching the communal experience of colonized occupations would provide recognition of stolen occupations and aid in the liberation of collective and resistive occupations globally.