13.1
Status in the Peer Group
Children and adolescents are often extremely concerned with their peer status: being popular is of great importance, and peer rejection can be a devastating experience. Rejection by peers is associated with a range of developmental outcomes for children, such as dropping out of school and problem behaviours, and these relations can hold independent of any effects of having, or not having, close friends (Gest, Graham-Bermann, & Hartup, 2001).
Because of the central role that peer relations play in children’s lives, developmental researchers have devoted a good deal of effort to studying the concurrent and long-term effects associated with peer status. In this section, we will examine children’s status in the peer group, including how it is measured, its stability, the characteristics that determine it, and the long-term implications of being popular with, or being rejected by, peers.
Measurement of Peer Status
The most common method developmentalists use to assess peer status is to ask children to rate how much they like or dislike each of their classmates. Alternatively, they may ask children to nominate classmates whom they like the most or the least, or whom they do or do not like to play with. The information from these procedures is used to calculate each child’s sociometric status—that is, the degree to which a child is liked or disliked by their peers. The most commonly used sociometric system classifies children into one of five groups: popular, rejected, neglected, average, or controversial (see Table 13.1; Bukowski, Cillessen, & Velasquez, 2012).
TABLE 13.1 Common Sociometric Categories for Peer Ratings
Popular: Children are designated as popular if they are rated by their peers as being highly liked and accepted and highly impactful.
Rejected: Children are designated as rejected if they are low in acceptance and preference and high in rejection but also high in impact.
: Children are designated as neglected if they are low in social impact—that is, if they receive few positive or negative ratings. These children are not especially liked or disliked by peers; they simply go unnoticed.
Average: Children are designated as average if they receive moderate ratings on both impact and preference.
Controversial: Children are designated as controversial if they are rated as very high in impact but average in preference. They are noticed by peers and are liked by quite a few children and disliked by quite a few others.
Information from Bukowski and colleagues (2012).
Do popular children always remain at the top of the social heap? Do rejected children sometimes become better liked? In other words, how stable is a child’s sociometric status in the peer group? The answer depends in part on the particular time span and sociometric status that are in question. Over relatively short periods such as weeks or a few months, children who are popular or rejected tend to remain so, whereas children who are neglected or controversial are likely to acquire a different status (Asher & Dodge, 1986; Chen, Rubin, & B. Li, 1995; Newcomb & Bukowski, 1984; Walker, 2009).
Over longer periods, children’s sociometric status is more likely to change. In one study in which children were rated by their peers in 5th grade and again 2 years later, only those children who had initially been rated average maintained their status overall, whereas nearly two-thirds of those who had been rated popular, rejected, or controversial received a different rating later on (Newcomb & Bukowski, 1984).
Over time, sociometric stability for rejected children is generally higher than for popular, neglected, or controversial children (Harrist et al., 1997; Parke et al., 1997; Walker, 2009) and may increase with the age of the child (Coie & Dodge, 1983; Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, 2006).
Why are some children liked better than others? One obvious factor is physical attractiveness. From early childhood through adolescence, children who are rated as objectively attractive by observers are much more likely to be popular, and are less likely to be victimized by peers, than are children who are considered unattractive (Langlois et al., 2000; Rosen, Underwood, & Beron, 2011; Vannatta et al., 2009). Athleticism is also related to high peer status, albeit more strongly for boys than for girls (Vannatta et al., 2009). Further affecting peer status is the status of one’s friends: having popular friends appears to boost one’s own popularity (Eder, 1985; Sabongui, Bukowski, & Newcomb, 1998). Beyond these simple determiners, sociometric status also seems to be affected by a variety of other factors, including children’s social behaviour, personality, cognitions about others, and goals when interacting with peers. Physically attractive children and teens tend to be more popular than their less attractive peers.
Popular Children
Popular children are rated by peers as being both accepted and impactful and thus have high status in the peer group. Popular children tend to be skilled at initiating interaction with peers and at maintaining positive relationships with others (Rubin et al., 2015). Popular children are perceived by their peers, teachers, and adult observers as cooperative, friendly, sociable, helpful, and sensitive to others (Lansford et al., 2006; Rubin et al., 2015). They are also able to regulate their own emotions and behaviours (Kam, Greenberg, et al., 2011) and tend to have a relatively high number of low-conflict reciprocated friendships (Litwack, Wargo Aikins, & Cillessen, 2012). Popular children tend to have more emotional and behavioural strengths compared to children in the other sociometric groups (Cillessen, Chmielowice-Szymanski, & Millett, 2023; Rytioja, Lappalainen, & Savolainen, 2019). Popular children are not necessarily the most likeable in their peer group; rather, they have other attributes, such as prestige, athletic ability, physical attractiveness, or wealth, that give them power over their peers (Prinstein et al., 2018). They also tend to be above average in aggression—particularly relational aggression—and to use their aggressiveness to obtain their goals (Cillessen et al., 2023). This association between aggression and perceived popularity has been observed amongst children as early as preschool (Vaughn et al., 2003); for example, preschool children rated by peers as being the leaders of their class are also observed to engage in more exclusion of other children, saying things like, “There are too many kids here right now; maybe you can play with us later” and “You hate her, right?” (Fanger, Frankel, & Hazen, 2012, p. 235). Popular children are thus able to control the interactions of their peers.
Rejected Children
Rejected children tend to differ from more popular children in their social motives and in the way they process information related to social situations (Lansford et al., 2010). For example, rejected children are more likely than better-liked peers to be motivated by goals such as “getting even” with others or “showing them up” (Crick & Dodge, 1994). Rejected children also have more trouble than other children do in finding constructive solutions to difficult social situations, such as wanting to take a turn on a swing when someone else is using it. When asked how they would deal with such situations, rejected children suggest fewer strategies than do their more popular peers, and the ones they suggest are more hostile, demanding, and threatening (Dodge et al., 2003). Rejected children also tend to be anxious and depressed and to be rated lowest by teachers in their behavioural competence compared to the other sociometric groups (Rytioja et al., 2019). (Box 13.4 discusses programs designed to help rejected children gain peer acceptance.) Perhaps one reason rejected children are more likely to select inappropriate strategies is that their theory of mind (see Chapter 7) is less developed than that of their better-liked peers; they may therefore have greater difficulty understanding others’ feelings and behaviours. In support of this idea, a longitudinal study of 5-year-olds in Italy found that children with lower theory of mind abilities had lower prosocial behaviour one year later and then higher rejection by their peers two years later (Caputi et al., 2012).
BOX 13.4 APPLICATIONS Fostering Children’s Peer Acceptance
Given the difficult and often painful outcomes commonly associated with a child’s being rejected or having few friends, a number of interventions have been developed with the goal of improving children’s peer interactions by helping children understand and communicate about their own and others’ emotions, as well as regulate their own behaviour. As we saw in Chapter 10, emotion recognition and empathy are key skills children acquire as they develop. Thus, these interventions aim to improve children’s relationships with their peers by enhancing aspects of their emotional development. A notable example of this approach is the Promoting Alternative Thinking Strategies (PATHS) curriculum, in which children from 4 to 11 years of age learn to identify emotional expressions (using pictures, for example) and to think about the causes and consequences of different ways to express emotions (Domitrovich et al., 2010; Domitrovich, Cortes, & Greenberg, 2007). In addition, the program provides children with opportunities to develop conscious strategies for self-control through verbal mediation (self-talk) and practicing ways to self-regulate. The PATHS approach is illustrated by the Control Signals Poster (CSP), which, like the turtle technique discussed in Chapter 1, is designed to remind children how to deal with troubling social situations. As with a traffic light, the CSP uses the colours red, yellow, and green to encourage calming behaviours. When confronted with a stressful social situation, red signals children to stop and calm down, which they can do by breathing deeply and calmly identifying the problem and their feelings about it. Next, yellow signals children to take it slow, consider potential solutions, and decide on a productive course of action. Finally, green signals children to go and try out their chosen solution. A final step in this process encourages reflection and evaluation of the results and the formulation of new plans if necessary (Riggs et al., 2006). Programs such as PATHS can help young children learn self-regulation and problem-solving skills. The PATHS curriculum has been successfully adapted for use in several countries, including China (Kam, Wong, & Fung, 2011) and Pakistan (Inam, Tariq, & Zaman, 2015). This program is also currently in use in schools in Alberta, Manitoba, and Nova Scotia. A meta-analysis of randomized trials of PATHS implemented in several countries found that children who participate in the program experience a significant gain in their socioemotional skills, smaller gains in their prosocial behaviour and academic performance, and small reductions in their behaviour problems (Shi, Cheung, & Ni, 2022). Such improvements have been found, especially for children with numerous problem behaviours and for children in disadvantaged schools and neighbourhoods (Bierman et al., 2010; Calhoun et al., 2020). The increases in social competence that often result as a consequence of participation in such an intervention would be expected to promote children’s social status, although this issue usually has not been specifically tested.
A majority of rejected children tend to fall into one of two categories: those who are overly aggressive and those who are withdrawn.
Aggressive-rejected children
According to reports from peers, teachers, and adult observers, 40% to 50% of rejected children tend to be aggressive. These aggressive-rejected children are especially prone to hostile and threatening behaviour, physical aggression, disruptive behaviour, and delinquency (Lansford et al., 2010; Pedersen et al., 2007; Rubin et al., 2006). When they are angry or want their own way, many rejected children also engage in relational aggression (Cillessen & Mayeux, 2004). Aggressive-rejected children are at risk for becoming even more aggressive over time, and for engaging in delinquent behaviour and to exhibit symptoms of attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder, conduct disorder, and substance abuse (Gooren et al., 2011; Lansford et al., 2010; Modin, Östberg, & Almquist, 2011; Sturaro et al., 2011). The key question, as we have already seen in prior discussions of peer influence on behaviour, is whether peer rejection actually causes problems at school and in adjustment or whether children’s maladaptive behaviour (e.g., aggression) leads to both peer rejection and problems in adjustment (Woodward & Fergusson, 1999). The links are likely cyclical, such that children who are aggressive may become rejected by their peers, which then leads them to be both lonely and angry, which they express through more aggression, as shown in a study with children in British Columbia (Leadbeater & Hoglund, 2009). Thus, it is likely that there are complex bidirectional relations amongst children’s adjustment, social competencies, and peer acceptance (Lansford et al., 2010; Obradović & Hipwell, 2010; Sentse, Kretschmer, & Salmivalli, 2015).
Withdrawn-rejected children
The second group of rejected children includes those who are withdrawn-rejected. These children, who make up 10% to 25% of the rejected category, are socially withdrawn, wary, timid, and socially anxious (Booth-LaForce et al., 2012). They frequently are victimized by peers, and many feel isolated, lonely, and depressed (Katz et al., 2011; Woodhouse, Dykas, & Cassidy, 2012). By the middle-to-late elementary school years, children who are highly withdrawn stand out, tend to be disliked, and appear to become increasingly alienated from the group over time (Rubin et al., 2018). Thus, as with aggression, social withdrawal may be part of a negative feedback loop: withdrawn children are rejected by their peers, which leads them to withdraw further to avoid peer rejection, a pattern that can repeat over and over (Rubin et al., 2018). Children who are initially withdrawn may be rejected by their peers, leading them to withdraw from interactions even more.
Neglected Children
Research suggests that children who are withdrawn with peers but are relatively socially competent tend to be merely neglected—that is, they are not nominated as either liked or disliked by peers (Booth-LaForce & Oxford, 2008). These children tend to be both less sociable and less disruptive than average children (Rytioja et al., 2019) and are likely to back away from peer interactions that involve aggression (Coie & Dodge, 1998). Children and adolescents who are simply not social and prefer solitary activities may not be especially prone to peer rejection (Bowker & Raja, 2011; Coplan & Armer, 2007). Neglected children perceive that they receive less support from peers (Walker, 2009), yet they are not particularly anxious about their social interactions (Rytioja et al., 2019). In fact, other than being less socially interactive, neglected children are rated by their teachers as being as socially competent as popular children (Rytioja et al., 2019). They appear to be neglected primarily because they are simply not noticed by their peers.
Controversial Children
In some ways, the most intriguing group of children are controversial children, who are liked by numerous peers and disliked by numerous others. Controversial children tend to have characteristics of both popular and rejected children (Rytioja et al., 2019). For example, they tend to be aggressive, disruptive, and prone to anger, but they also tend to be cooperative, sociable, good at sports, and humorous (Bukowski et al., 1993; Coie & Dodge, 1998). In addition, they are very socially active and tend to be group leaders (Coie, Dodge, & Kupersmidt, 1990). Although it may seem counterintuitive that aggressive children could also be popular, it is the case that aggressive children sometimes develop a network of aggressive friends and are accepted in their peer group (Xue & Meisels, 2004), and some elementary school and preadolescent children who start fights and get into trouble are viewed as “cool” and are central in their peer group (Hoff et al., 2009; Rodkin et al., 2000, 2006). At the same time, controversial children tend to be viewed by peers as arrogant and snobbish (Hatzichristou & Hopf, 1996), which could explain why they are disliked by some peers even if they are perceived as having high status in the peer group (Robertson et al., 2010).
Cross-Cultural Similarities and Differences in Factors Related to Peer Status
Most of the research on behaviours associated with sociometric status has been conducted in Canada and the United States, but findings similar to those discussed here have been obtained in a wide array of cross-cultural research. Studies from Australia, China, Finland, Greece, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, and the Netherlands have found that socially rejected children tend to be aggressive and disruptive while popular children tend to be prosocial and to have leadership skills (Attili, Vermigli, & Schneider, 1997; Chung-Hall & Chen, 2010; French, Setiono, & Eddy, 1999; Gooren et al., 2011; Hatzichristou & Hopf, 1996; Kawabata et al., 2010; Schwartz et al., 2010; Tomada & Schneider, 1997; Walker, 2009; Xu et al., 2004). Research in a variety of regions, including China, Indonesia, and North America, further indicates that rejected children, especially those who are aggressive, are more likely than their peers to have academic difficulties (Chen, Wang, & Cao, 2011; Chung-Hall & Chen, 2010; French et al., 1999; Véronneau et al., 2010; Wentzel, 2009). In particular, they have higher rates of school absenteeism (DeRosier, Kupersmidt, & Patterson, 1994) and lower grade point averages (Wentzel & Caldwell, 1997). Those who are aggressive are especially likely to be uninterested in school and to be viewed by peers and teachers as poor students (Hymel, Bowker, & Woody, 1993; Wentzel & Asher, 1995). Longitudinal research, conducted mostly in the United States, indicates that students’ classroom participation is lower during periods in which they are rejected by peers than during periods when they are not, and that the tendency of rejected children to do relatively poorly in school worsens across time (Ladd, Herald-Brown, & Reiser, 2008). Approximately 25% to 30% of rejected children drop out of school, compared with approximately 8% or less of other children (Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, 2006). Clearly, children who are rejected by peers are at risk for academic and adjustment problems. Similar cross-cultural parallels have been found with regard to withdrawal and rejection. Various studies done in Germany, Hong Kong, and Italy, for example, have shown that, as in the United States, withdrawal becomes linked with peer rejection in preschool or elementary school (Asendorpf, 1990; Attili et al., 1997; Casiglia, Lo Coco, & Zappulla, 1998; Nelson et al., 2010; Schwartz et al., 2010). Research has also demonstrated that there are certain cultural and historical differences in the characteristics associated with children’s sociometric status. One notable example involving both types of differences is the status associated with shyness amongst Chinese children. In studies conducted in the 1990s, Chinese children who were shy, sensitive, and cautious or inhibited in their behaviour were—unlike their inhibited or shy Western counterparts—viewed by teachers as socially competent and as leaders, and they were liked by their peers (Chen, Rubin, & B. Li, 1995; Chen, Rubin, & Z.-Y. Li, 1995; Chen et al., 1999; Chen, Rubin, & Sun, 1992). A probable explanation for this difference is that Chinese culture traditionally values self-effacing, withdrawn behaviour, and Chinese children are encouraged to behave accordingly (Ho, 1986). Children who are well liked tend to have similar characteristics in many cultures, as do children who are rejected by their peers. In contrast, because Western cultures place great value on independence and self-assertion, withdrawn children in these cultures are likely to be viewed as weak, needy, and socially incompetent. However, Chen and colleagues found that since the early 1990s, shy, reserved behaviour in Chinese elementary school children has become increasingly associated with lower levels of peer acceptance, at least for urban children (Chen, Chang et al., 2005). Chen argues that the economic and political changes in China over the past several decades have been accompanied by an increased valuing of assertive, less inhibited behaviour. For children from rural areas who have had only limited exposure to the dramatic cultural changes in China in recent years, shyness is associated with high levels of both peer liking and disliking, albeit more to liking; thus, for groups somewhat less exposed to cultural changes, shyness is viewed with some ambivalence by peers (Chen et al., 2011; Chen, Wang, & Wang, 2009). In addition, for the rural children, being unsociable—that is, uninterested in social interaction—is associated with peer rejection (Chen et al., 2009), whereas amongst North American children it often is not, at least for younger children. Thus, culture and changes in culture appear to affect children’s evaluations of what is desirable behaviour.