Lords of the Dance - Strasbourg 1518
Strasbourg's Response to the Dancing Plague
By July 25th, the dancing plague had spread, affecting approximately fifty people, creating considerable alarm and drawing the attention of city leaders.
The city leaders, known as the Council of XXI, assumed full control of the situation, consulting with medical professionals to apply the most current medical knowledge available at the time to understand and combat the outbreak.
Carpenters' and tanners' guild halls were specifically chosen and designated as locations to house the dancers, providing them with dedicated spaces.
These guilds were perceived as less prestigious compared to wealthier guilds such as shippers and goldsmiths, reflecting a social hierarchy in the city's response, with logistical considerations seemingly outweighing social status in the decision-making process.
The dancing plague disproportionately impacted the poorer segments of Strasbourg's citizenry, with many of the afflicted possibly belonging to the carpenters' and tanners' guilds, suggesting potential socio-economic factors influencing the outbreak.
Measures to Accommodate the Dancers
The XXI council issued an order to clear the outdoor grain market to provide an open space for the growing number of dancers.
The grain market was situated to the north of the areas where fish, game, and vegetables were sold, close to the cathedral square, making it a central and accessible location.
The market's physical structure, surrounded by stone walls and overlooked by a tower displaying the city's flag, not only gave the dancers ample space but also offered some degree of protection from direct sunlight and the elements.
Construction of a Makeshift Stage
To the east of the grain market, near the city walls that faced the Black Forest, craftsmen were engaged to construct a stage on the horse market to accommodate the remaining dancers.
The scene was described as chaotic due to the daily activities involving animals and the strong, pervasive smells associated with the market, adding to the overall sense of disorder.
The XXI's choice to utilize a major commercial site for this purpose underscored the level of concern and alarm felt by the city's governing body regarding the dancing plague.
Encouragement Through Music
Jean Wencker documented the construction activities on the horse market, noting the active encouragement of the dancers through the use of pipes and drums to sustain the dancing.
The XXI council made arrangements to hire numerous professional musicians who were tasked with playing tambourines, drums, fiddles, fifes, pipes, and horns continuously, day and night, in the guild halls, on the stage, and within the grain market.
The primary intention behind this musical encouragement was to facilitate the dancing, with the belief that the activity would help the afflicted dance away their malady and find a means to alleviate their condition.
Maintaining the Dance
A major challenge encountered was the dancers' exhaustion, with many collapsing due to fatigue from the continuous physical exertion.
Authorities took measures to provide water, weak ale, or wine to the dancers in an effort to keep them hydrated and maintain their energy levels.
The dancers were encouraged to consume small amounts of food to prevent fainting, but without allowing them to stop dancing for extended periods, indicating the relentless nature of the encouraged activity.
Hired Dancers and Guards
According to Specklin and Wencker, the XXI council allocated funds to pay healthy men to "dance with them," with the aim of helping to maintain the afflicted individuals' rapid movements and prevent them from stopping.
Hieronymus Gebwiler noted that guards were employed to prevent the dancers from causing self-harm or stopping their movements while in the tanners' and carpenters' halls.
Gebwiler recounted an instance involving a "strong woman" who danced continuously for six days, necessitating the use of rotating guards to ensure her safety and prevent her from ceasing her activity.
The afflicted were explicitly not allowed to rest, in accordance with the XXI's orders and the prevailing popular belief that rest would be detrimental to their recovery.
Musicians were instructed to intensify their playing, while hired dancers were tasked with quickening the pace of those who showed signs of slowing down, emphasizing the continuous and vigorous nature of the encouraged dancing.
A Grotesque Spectacle
Gebwiler conveyed that the spectacles were grotesque, likening them to the depictions of human folly found in Hieronymus Bosch's artwork, underscoring the disturbing nature of the events.
The dancers persisted in their movements throughout the day and night, with their faces upturned and their bodies covered in sweat, creating a scene of intense physical exertion and distress.
The auditory environment was filled with the sounds of tapping clogs, sobs from onlookers, and cries emitted by the dancers, contributing to the overall sense of chaos and anguish.
The air within the guild halls was thick with the odors of sweat and bodily fluids, adding to the unpleasant and overwhelming sensory experience.
Some observers interpreted the performances as morbid parodies of carnival excesses, drawing a parallel between the uncontrolled dancing and the more socially sanctioned forms of revelry.
Moral Interpretations
Moralists of the time viewed the dancing plague as a divine punishment for the perceived wickedness of the age, reflecting a common interpretative framework rooted in religious morality.
Theologians made references to earlier instances of choreomania in Kölbigk (1017) and Maastricht (1278), where dancers deemed irreverent were believed to have been cursed as a consequence of their actions.
Michel Wolgemut's 1493 engraving portrayed the sinful nature associated with dancing and presented St. Vitus' curse as the cause of the affliction, reinforcing the prevailing moral and religious interpretations.
Visual Warnings and Sermons
Léonard Heischer's 1474 "dance of death" painting in Strasbourg served as a visual warning against hedonism, emphasizing the moral implications of indulging in worldly pleasures.
Heischer's artistic work explicitly highlighted the connection between dancing and sin, thereby contributing to the moralistic discourse surrounding the dancing plague.
Hieronymus Gebwiler delivered sermons addressing the shameful epidemic, urging citizens to refrain from engaging in blasphemous dances in inappropriate settings, reflecting the Church's attempt to exert moral influence.
Gebwiler cautioned that God would inflict punishment upon them, similar to that visited upon the Egyptians, if they failed to rectify their behavior and attitudes.
Conflicting Views
Gebwiler's religious perspective stood in contrast to the approach taken by the medical authorities, highlighting a divergence in understanding and addressing the dancing plague.
Physicians advocated for more dancing as a therapeutic measure but stopped short of endorsing prayers or exorcisms in public spaces, indicating a preference for medical intervention over religious practices.
The wealthy members of the XXI council were generally inclined to adhere to the advice provided by the physicians, suggesting a reliance on medical expertise among the city's elite.
Popular Beliefs
The city's population largely favored spiritual intervention over medical treatment, reflecting a deep-seated belief in the power of religious practices to effect healing.
They held the conviction that the clergy possessed special access to God and that the liturgy was essential for being heard, underscoring the perceived importance of religious intercession.
Few among the city folk subscribed to the belief that the dancers were suffering from "cooked brains;" instead, they attributed the epidemic to divine intervention or the influence of stellar alignments, indicating a preference for supernatural explanations.
People sought the intercession of saints, viewing the epidemic as a divine curse that necessitated spiritual solutions and divine aid.
Chroniclers made note of the people's strong desire for masses to be celebrated in their name, highlighting the pervasive hope for divine intervention and personal salvation.
Compromise and Prayer
The XXI council, motivated by concerns about potential unrest among the population, reached a compromise by allowing prayers, signaling a willingness to accommodate popular religious beliefs.
The bishop of Strasbourg issued a call for prayers to God, seeking mercy and divine intervention to address the crisis.
Clergy and parishioners engaged in honoring St. Vitus in chapels and churches, demonstrating a collective effort to seek spiritual remedies.
Lack of Immediate Miracles
Neither medical interventions nor religious practices provided immediate relief from the dancing plague, underscoring the challenges in addressing the complex affliction.
Officials and relatives continued to bring victims to the dancing areas, clinging to the hope that a cure could be found, even in the absence of immediate results.
Cultural Context and Expectations
Other cultures have their own established rituals involving trance states, with durations that are defined by cultural norms, highlighting the diversity of approaches to altered states of consciousness.
In Strasbourg, the afflicted victims had an expectation to dance until the curse was lifted through spiritual intercession, reflecting a culturally ingrained belief in the efficacy of religious rituals.
Pilgrimages to Saverne were considered as a potential means of seeking relief, though most continued to dance on without the benefit of explicit spiritual support.
Many of those afflicted danced until exhaustion compelled them to stop, underscoring the physical and mental toll exacted by the continuous activity.
Counterproductive Strategies
Making the dances public had the unintended consequence of amplifying the psychic contagion, potentially exacerbating the spread of the phenomenon.
The visibility of the dancers served to reinforce the belief in the curse and the idea of the saint's revenge, contributing to the overall sense of dread and inevitability.
The numbers of afflicted individuals grew, and few experienced recovery, suggesting that the strategies employed were not effectively addressing the underlying cause of the affliction.
The seductive nature of the music drew more emotionally vulnerable people to join in the dancing, further expanding the circle of those affected.
The Dancers' Ordeal
Some dancers persevered for days or weeks, pausing only when they were severely fatigued, demonstrating remarkable endurance and commitment to the activity.
Others experienced brief moments of regained consciousness but were quickly drawn back into a state of delirium, underscoring the powerful and persistent grip of the affliction.
The rhythms of drums, pipes, and tambourines, combined with the visual stimulus of other dancers, triggered relapses and reinforced the cycle of continuous dancing.
Societal Issues
The dancers' suffering was compounded by pre-existing societal challenges in Strasbourg, including issues such as beggars on the streets, the arrival of farmers from the countryside, depleted granaries, and the presence of sickness.
Chroniclers documented the recurrent pattern of relapse, drawing parallels to the 1374 outbreak, during which dancers experienced relapses after traveling to holy sites, indicating the complex and enduring nature of the affliction.
A significant portion of Strasbourg's population experienced periods of drifting in and out of trance for weeks, highlighting the disruptive impact of the dancing plague on the community.
Fraudulent Dancers
Specklin and Wencker made note of the presence of "many frauds" who sought to exploit the situation for personal gain.
People made donations to the afflicted with the hope of securing immunity from the affliction, indicating a mix of altruism and self-interest.
The temptation was substantial for famished beggars to impersonate victims in order to take advantage of public generosity during the crisis.
Other Motivations for Dancing
Barren women and individuals afflicted with epilepsy engaged in dancing with the hope of receiving aid from St. Vitus, reflecting a fusion of religious devotion and personal desperation.
Some dancers may have been grappling with underlying mental health conditions that contributed to their participation in the dancing.
However, the majority of dancers were likely motivated by a combination of anguish and deeply held beliefs related to the dancing plague.
A core group of individuals, profoundly entranced, engaged in continuous dancing, serving as a focal point for the phenomenon.
Doubt among Physicians
As the situation deteriorated, physicians displayed diminishing confidence in the efficacy of dancing therapy as a viable treatment.
The XXI council began to question the wisdom of their chosen approach, signaling a growing sense of uncertainty and concern.
They entertained the possibility that a divine curse may indeed be responsible, aligning with the prevailing beliefs of the people.
Desperate Measures and Death
While magistrates engaged in debates, musicians and hired dancers persisted in their roles, maintaining the momentum of the continuous dancing.
Some of the musicians and dancers may have succumbed to the sickness themselves, demonstrating the pervasive nature of the affliction.
Physicians observed no positive signs of improvement among those afflicted, contributing
Strasbourg's Response to the Dancing Plague
By July 25th, the dancing plague had spread, affecting approximately fifty people, creating considerable alarm and drawing the attention of city leaders.
The city leaders, known as the Council of XXI, assumed full control of the situation, consulting with medical professionals to apply the most current medical knowledge available at the time to understand and combat the outbreak.
Carpenters' and tanners' guild halls were specifically chosen and designated as locations to house the dancers, providing them with dedicated spaces.
These guilds were perceived as less prestigious compared to wealthier guilds such as shippers and goldsmiths, reflecting a social hierarchy in the city's response, with logistical considerations seemingly outweighing social status in the decision-making process.
The dancing plague disproportionately impacted the poorer segments of Strasbourg's citizenry, with many of the afflicted possibly belonging to the carpenters' and tanners' guilds, suggesting potential socio-economic factors influencing the outbreak.
Measures to Accommodate the Dancers
The XXI council issued an order to clear the outdoor grain market to provide an open space for the growing number of dancers.
The grain market was situated to the north of the areas where fish, game, and vegetables were sold, close to the cathedral square, making it a central and accessible location.
The market's physical structure, surrounded by stone walls and overlooked by a tower displaying the city's flag, not only gave the dancers ample space but also offered some degree of protection from direct sunlight and the elements.
Construction of a Makeshift Stage
To the east of the grain market, near the city walls that faced the Black Forest, craftsmen were engaged to construct a stage on the horse market to accommodate the remaining dancers.
The scene was described as chaotic due to the daily activities involving animals and the strong, pervasive smells associated with the market, adding to the overall sense of disorder.
The XXI's choice to utilize a major commercial site for this purpose underscored the level of concern and alarm felt by the city's governing body regarding the dancing plague.
Encouragement Through Music
Jean Wencker documented the construction activities on the horse market, noting the active encouragement of the dancers through the use of pipes and drums to sustain the dancing.
The XXI council made arrangements to hire numerous professional musicians who were tasked with playing tambourines, drums, fiddles, fifes, pipes, and horns continuously, day and night, in the guild halls, on the stage, and within the grain market.
The primary intention behind this musical encouragement was to facilitate the dancing, with the belief that the activity would help the afflicted dance away their malady and find a means to alleviate their condition.
Maintaining the Dance
A major challenge encountered was the dancers' exhaustion, with many collapsing due to fatigue from the continuous physical exertion.
Authorities took measures to provide water, weak ale, or wine to the dancers in an effort to keep them hydrated and maintain their energy levels.
The dancers were encouraged to consume small amounts of food to prevent fainting, but without allowing them to stop dancing for extended periods, indicating the relentless nature of the encouraged activity.
Hired Dancers and Guards
According to Specklin and Wencker, the XXI council allocated funds to pay healthy men to "dance with them," with the aim of helping to maintain the afflicted individuals' rapid movements and prevent them from stopping.
Hieronymus Gebwiler noted that guards were employed to prevent the dancers from causing self-harm or stopping their movements while in the tanners' and carpenters' halls.
Gebwiler recounted an instance involving a "strong woman" who danced continuously for six days, necessitating the use of rotating guards to ensure her safety and prevent her from ceasing her activity.
The afflicted were explicitly not allowed to rest, in accordance with the XXI's orders and the prevailing popular belief that rest would be detrimental to their recovery.
Musicians were instructed to intensify their playing, while hired dancers were tasked with quickening the pace of those who showed signs of slowing down, emphasizing the continuous and vigorous nature of the encouraged dancing.
A Grotesque Spectacle
Gebwiler conveyed that the spectacles were grotesque, likening them to the depictions of human folly found in Hieronymus Bosch's artwork, underscoring the disturbing nature of the events.
The dancers persisted in their movements throughout the day and night, with their faces upturned and their bodies covered in sweat, creating a scene of intense physical exertion and distress.
The auditory environment was filled with the sounds of tapping clogs, sobs from onlookers, and cries emitted by the dancers, contributing to the overall sense of chaos and anguish.
The air within the guild halls was thick with the odors of sweat and bodily fluids, adding to the unpleasant and overwhelming sensory experience.
Some observers interpreted the performances as morbid parodies of carnival excesses, drawing a parallel between the uncontrolled dancing and the more socially sanctioned forms of revelry.
Moral Interpretations
Moralists of the time viewed the dancing plague as a divine punishment for the perceived wickedness of the age, reflecting a common interpretative framework rooted in religious morality.
Theologians made references to earlier instances of choreomania in Kölbigk (1017) and Maastricht (1278), where dancers deemed irreverent were believed to have been cursed as a consequence of their actions.
Michel Wolgemut's 1493 engraving portrayed the sinful nature associated with dancing and presented St. Vitus' curse as the cause of the affliction, reinforcing the prevailing moral and religious interpretations.
Visual Warnings and Sermons
Léonard Heischer's 1474 "dance of death" painting in Strasbourg served as a visual warning against hedonism, emphasizing the moral implications of indulging in worldly pleasures.
Heischer's artistic work explicitly highlighted the connection between dancing and sin, thereby contributing to the moralistic discourse surrounding the dancing plague.
Hieronymus Gebwiler delivered sermons addressing the shameful epidemic, urging citizens to refrain from engaging in blasphemous dances in inappropriate settings, reflecting the Church's attempt to exert moral influence.
Gebwiler cautioned that God would inflict punishment upon them, similar to that visited upon the Egyptians, if they failed to rectify their behavior and attitudes.
Conflicting Views
Gebwiler's religious perspective stood in contrast to the approach taken by the medical authorities, highlighting a divergence in understanding and addressing the dancing plague.
Physicians advocated for more dancing as a therapeutic measure but stopped short of endorsing prayers or exorcisms in public spaces, indicating a preference for medical intervention over religious practices.
The wealthy members of the XXI council were generally inclined to adhere to the advice provided by the physicians, suggesting a reliance on medical expertise among the city's elite.
Popular Beliefs
The city's population largely favored spiritual intervention over medical treatment, reflecting a deep-seated belief in the power of religious practices to effect healing.
They held the conviction that the clergy possessed special access to God and that the liturgy was essential for being heard, underscoring the perceived importance of religious intercession.
Few among the city folk subscribed to the belief that the dancers were suffering from "cooked brains;" instead, they attributed the epidemic to divine intervention or the influence of stellar alignments, indicating a preference for supernatural explanations.
People sought the intercession of saints, viewing the epidemic as a divine curse that necessitated spiritual solutions and divine aid.
Chroniclers made note of the people's strong desire for masses to be celebrated in their name, highlighting the pervasive hope for divine intervention and personal salvation.
Compromise and Prayer
The XXI council, motivated by concerns about potential unrest among the population, reached a compromise by allowing prayers, signaling a willingness to accommodate popular religious beliefs.
The bishop of Strasbourg issued a call for prayers to God, seeking mercy and divine intervention to address the crisis.
Clergy and parishioners engaged in honoring St. Vitus in chapels and churches, demonstrating a collective effort to seek spiritual remedies.
Lack of Immediate Miracles
Neither medical interventions nor religious practices provided immediate relief from the dancing plague, underscoring the challenges in addressing the complex affliction.
Officials and relatives continued to bring victims to the dancing areas, clinging to the hope that a cure could be found, even in the absence of immediate results.
Cultural Context and Expectations
Other cultures have their own established rituals involving trance states, with durations that are defined by cultural norms, highlighting the diversity of approaches to altered states of consciousness.
In Strasbourg, the afflicted victims had an expectation to dance until the curse was lifted through spiritual intercession, reflecting a culturally ingrained belief in the efficacy of religious rituals.
Pilgrimages to Saverne were considered as a potential means of seeking relief, though most continued to dance on without the benefit of explicit spiritual support.
Many of those afflicted danced until exhaustion compelled them to stop, underscoring the physical and mental toll exacted by the continuous activity.
Counterproductive Strategies
Making the dances public had the unintended consequence of amplifying the psychic contagion, potentially exacerbating the spread of the phenomenon.
The visibility of the dancers served to reinforce the belief in the curse and the idea of the saint's revenge, contributing to the overall sense of dread and inevitability.
The numbers of afflicted individuals grew, and few experienced recovery, suggesting that the strategies employed were not effectively addressing the underlying cause of the affliction.
The seductive nature of the music drew more emotionally vulnerable people to join in the dancing, further expanding the circle of those affected.
The Dancers' Ordeal
Some dancers persevered for days or weeks, pausing only when they were severely fatigued, demonstrating remarkable endurance and commitment to the activity.
Others experienced brief moments of regained consciousness but were quickly drawn back into a state of delirium, underscoring the powerful and persistent grip of the affliction.
The rhythms of drums, pipes, and tambourines, combined with the visual stimulus of other dancers, triggered relapses and reinforced the cycle of continuous dancing.
Societal Issues
The dancers' suffering was compounded by pre-existing societal challenges in Strasbourg, including issues such as beggars on the streets, the arrival of farmers from the countryside, depleted granaries, and the presence of sickness.
Chroniclers documented the recurrent pattern of relapse, drawing parallels to the 1374 outbreak, during which dancers experienced relapses after traveling to holy sites, indicating the complex and enduring nature of the affliction.
A significant portion of Strasbourg's population experienced periods of drifting in and out of trance for weeks, highlighting the disruptive impact of the dancing plague on the community.
Fraudulent Dancers
Specklin and Wencker made note of the presence of "many frauds" who sought to exploit the situation for personal gain.
People made donations to the afflicted with the hope of securing immunity from the affliction, indicating a mix of altruism and self-interest.
The temptation was substantial for famished beggars to impersonate victims in order to take advantage of public generosity during the crisis.
Other Motivations for Dancing
Barren women and individuals afflicted with epilepsy engaged in dancing with the hope of receiving aid from St. Vitus, reflecting a fusion of religious devotion and personal desperation.
Some dancers may have been grappling with underlying mental health conditions that contributed to their participation in the dancing.
However, the majority of dancers were likely motivated by a combination of anguish and deeply held beliefs related to the dancing plague.
A core group of individuals, profoundly entranced, engaged in continuous dancing, serving as a focal point for the phenomenon.
Doubt among Physicians
As the situation deteriorated, physicians displayed diminishing confidence in the efficacy of dancing therapy as a viable treatment.
The XXI council began to question the wisdom of their chosen approach, signaling a growing sense of uncertainty and concern.
They entertained the possibility that a divine curse may indeed be responsible, aligning with the prevailing beliefs of the people.
Desperate Measures and Death
While magistrates engaged in debates, musicians and hired dancers persisted in their roles, maintaining the momentum of the continuous dancing.
Some of the musicians and dancers may have succumbed to the sickness themselves, demonstrating the pervasive nature of the affliction.
Physicians observed no positive signs of improvement among those afflicted, contributing