Comprehensive Notes from the Transcript (Nationalism, Nation-Building, and Citizenship)

Notes to Pages 5-7

    1. Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: Weber's work is cited as a key source on assimilation processes in France, especially regarding how rural populations were incorporated into a French national identity. Significance: foundational for understanding the French assimilationist model and its long-run effects on nation-building.
    1. Assimilation outcomes:
    • Assimilation succeeded for the Polish-speaking Masuren (Masurian region) according to Conze, Nationsbildung durch Trennung, pp. 101-105, and in the long run for Poles who migrated from the Prussian east to Ruhr industrial districts.
    • Assimilation failed for the largest and most visible Polish-speaking German groups in the Prussian provinces of \text{Poznań} and West Prussia; anticipation of challenges discussed for Chapter 6.
    • The overall pattern: uneven success of assimilation across Polish-speaking populations in Germany depending on geography and social context.
    1. Borderlands and national self-understanding:
    • The French-Spanish and French-German borderlands are interesting but marginal to core national self-understanding.
    • Alsace-Lorraine belonged to Germany during the critical phase of late 19th–early 20th century nation-building in France, limiting knowledge about how vigorously assimilationist policies would have been pursued there.
    • French tolerance for bilingualism before/after this interlude suggests this borderland did not threaten national identity.
    1. Second wave of German settlers in Slavic lands (16th century onward):
    • More numerous Protestants tended to preserve language, religious culture, and national identity.
    • Source: Hagen, Germans, Poles, and Jews, pp. 1–9.
    1. Godechot, Nation, patrie, nationalisme et patriotisme, p. 494.
    1. The word refers to the cultivated middle classes (the bourgeoisie) formed by Bildung (education/cultivation) and conscious ofStändisch unity (estamental or class-based unity).
    1. Schiller’s formulation; Staatsnation vs. Kulturnation distinction:
    • See Conze, Deutschland' und 'deutsche Nation' als historische Begriffe, pp. 29–30.
    • For the distinction: Meinecke, Weltbürgertum und Nationalstaat, chap. 1.
    1. Meinecke, Weltbürgertum und Nationalstaat, chap. 2.
    1. 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (Aug. 26, 1789): Article 3 locates the principle of sovereignty in the nation; the 1791 Constitution states: "Sovereignty is one [and] indivisible… It belongs to the Nation" (Title III, Article 1). Note: Revolutionary constitutions are reprinted in Les Constitutions de la France.
    • The process of nationalization extended beyond constitutional domains: all royal institutions and symbols were"nationalized" (e.g., national assembly, national guard, national army, national education, national debt, etc.).
    • Source: Godechot, Nation, patrie, nationalisme et patriotisme, p. 495.
    1. Qu'est-ce que le tiers état? (What is the Third Estate?) p. 126:
    • This political definition of nationhood was not new: Sieyès’ definition echoed the Dictionnaire de l’Académie (1694) which described a nation as consisting of all inhabitants of the same state who live under the same laws and use the same language (quoted by Soboul in De l'Ancien régime à l'Empire, p. 58).
    1. Il n'y a d'étranger en France que les mauvais citoyens (There is no foreigner in France except for bad citizens) — quoted by Azimi, L'étranger sous la Révolution, p. 702.
    • While Tallien’s remark is not representative of the Revolution’s stance toward foreigners, it illustrates the strictly political definition of nationhood of the era. Chapter 2 will discuss the ambivalence of Revolutionary attitudes toward foreigners.
    1. Kedourie, Nationalism, chap. 1; Soboul, De l’Ancien régime à l’Empire, p. 63; Godechot, La Grande Nation, p. 69.
    1. Meinecke on self-determination: two interpretations exist—historical (emphasizing the historically developed personality of the nation) and rationalistic (nation as a subdivision of humanity, an abstract frame without distinctive content). Meinecke prefers the historical interpretation and critiques the rationalistic, formalistic doctrine of sovereignty. This aligns roughly with Simmel’s distinction between Einzigkeit (uniqueness) and Einzelheit (oneness) in The Sociology of Georg Simmel, pp. 58–84, esp. p. 81.
    1. Reports on language policy are reprinted in de Certeau et al., Une politique de la langue, pp. 291–317; quotes are from pp. 295, 302.
    1. Kohn, Prelude to Nation-States, pp. 90–93.
    1. The reference is to Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen (assimilation material for 1870–1914).
    1. Furet & Richet, La Révolution française, p. 175; Soboul, De l’Ancien régime à l’Empire, p. 58.
    1. Godechot concludes: "it is therefore absurd to speak of French nationalism during the first years of the Revolution: patriotism is an entirely different thing" (Nation, patrie, nationalisme et patriotisme, p. 498).
    1. Internal vs. external nationalism: see Azimi, L'étranger sous la Révolution; Nora, Nation; and Chapter 2. External missionary nationalism is controversial: the Grande Nation is identified with liberation and principles of 1789, but also with domination and annexation of others’ territories.
    1. See especially Kohn, Prelude to Nation-States, pp. 168–221. While Kohn may overstate the period’s impact on the German case, its importance for national formation is clear.
    1. Müller is quoted in Kohn, Prelude to Nation-States, p. 188.
    1. Quoted in Pinson, Modern Germany, p. 33.
    1. In this context, the nineteenth century roughly means 1830–1914 in France and 1815–1914 in Germany.

Notes to Pages 7-10

    1. Schieder, Typologie und Erscheinungsformen des Nationalstaats, p. 120.
    1. On "instituting the nation," see Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, p. 332.
    1. On national consolidation in these and other domains, see Nora (ed.), Les lieux de mémoire, II: La Nation, and Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen.
    1. Rémond, The Right Wing in France, pp. 208f.; Girardet, Pour une introduction à l'histoire du nationalisme français.
    1. Girardet, L'idée coloniale en France.
    1. Lewis, One Hundred Million Frenchmen.
    1. The assimilationist citizenship law is discussed in Chapter 5; see also the quasi-colonial dimension of the Republicans’ internal civilizing mission in Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, pp. 486ff.
    1. Girardet, Pour une introduction à l'histoire du nationalisme français.
    1. Mommsen is quoted in Basdevant, Le principe des nationalités, p. 90.
    1. Renan’s letters (especially the second) critique ethnographic politics: division of humanity into races risks wars of extermination; warns against ethnographic politics and comparative philology as politics; highlights Slav/Jewish concerns about Germanism. See Renan, Nouvelle lettre à M. Strauss, pp. 456–457.
    1. Conze, Nationsbildung durch Trennung, p. 95; Lepsius, The Nation and Nationalism in Germany, p. 48.
    1. On Bismarck’s distance from nationalism: Schieder, Das Deutsche Kaiserreich von 1871 als Nationalstaat, pp. 22–26; the Alsace-Lorraine issue was strategically driven though framed ethnoculturally; see Gall, Das Problem Elsass-Lothringen.
    1. Preamble to the Constitution of 1791: "Il n’y a plus, pour aucune partie de la Nation, ni pour aucun individu, aucun privilège, ni exception au droit commun de tous les Français" (There is no longer any privilege, or any exception to the common law of all Frenchmen, for any part of the nation, or for any individual). Reprinted in Les Constitutions de la France, p. 35.
    1. In the Prussian east, Poles accepted membership in the non-national Prussian state but protested against incorporation into the German Reich when it formed in 1871: "we want to remain under Prussian authority, but we do not want to be incorporated into the German Reich" (Polish deputies quoted in Schieder, Das Deutsche Kaiserreich von 1871 als Nationalstaat, pp. 19, 20).
    1. Schieder, Das Deutsche Kaiserreich von 1871 als Nationalstaat; Kocka, Probleme der politischen Integration der Deutschen. In 1871 the idea of an "incomplete" nation-state is articulated (Conze, Nationsbildung durch Trennung, p. 95).
    1. The twentieth century’s French and German traditions of nationhood cannot be fully analyzed here; Chapters 7 and 8 argue these styles survived the upheavals of the first half of the twentieth century and continue to inform immigration and citizenship debates today.
    1. Stedman Jones, Languages of Class, p. xx.
    1. M. Weber, The Social Psychology of the World Religions, p. 280; (translation adjusted); M. Weber, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religionssoziologie, I, 252.

Notes to Pages 10-12

  • 1. Citizenship as Social Closure
    • 1. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class, p. 8.
  • 2. Strictly speaking, the citizenry excludes not only foreigners but stateless persons.
  • 3. See two sociological surveys: Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism; Barbalet, Citizenship.
  • 4. On codification, see especially Bourdieu, La codification, pp. 9–10:
    • "Codification is linked to discipline and to the normalization of practices… Codification is an operation of symbolic ordering… most often incumbent on the great state bureaucracies. As one sees in the case of automobile traffic, codification brings with it collective profits of clarification and homogenization… Codification minimizes equivocation and flux, especially in interactions. It shows itself to be particularly indispensable and effective in situations where the risk of collision, conflict, accident… are particularly great. The encounter of two groups quite distant from one another is the encounter of two independent causal series. Between people of the same group, with the same habitus, thus spontaneously orchestrated, everything, even conflicts, goes without saying… But with different habituses, there appears the possibility of accident, collision, conflict. Codification is important because it guarantees a minimal communication." (paraphrase of the quote)
  • 5. Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence, p. 172; Zolberg, International Migrations in Political Perspective, p. 6; Meyer and Hannan, National Development in a Changing World System, pp. 3, 11–12.
  • 6. This perspective owes most to Max Weber, Economy and Society, esp. pp. 54–56.
  • 7. Poggi, The Development of the Modern State.
  • 8. On the "territorialization" of rule, see Sahlins, Boundaries, pp. 61–63, 78–89, 93–97, 168–170, 190–192.
  • 9. Weber, Economy and Society, pp. 43–46; see also pp. 341–343.
    1. Suggestive remarks about the essential boundedness of the political domain.

Notes to Pages 13-23

  • 1. Citizenship as Social Closure
    • 1. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class, p. 8.
  • 2. Strictly speaking, the citizenry excludes not only foreigners but stateless persons.
  • 3. See, for example, two recent sociological surveys: Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism; Barbalet, Citizenship.
  • 4. On codification, see especially Bourdieu, La codification, pp. 9–10; the same long passage as above is relevant here as well, illustrating the role of codification in societal organization and in legitimizing state power.
  • 5. Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence, p. 172; Zolberg, International Migrations in Political Perspective, p. 6; Meyer and Hannan, National Development in a Changing World System, pp. 3, 11–12.
  • 6. This perspective owes most to Max Weber, Economy and Society, esp. pp. 54–56.
  • 7. Poggi, The Development of the Modern State.
  • 8. On the "territorialization" of rule, see Sahlins, Boundaries, pp. 61–63, 78–89, 93–97, 168–170, 190–192.
  • 9. Weber, Economy and Society, pp. 43–46; see also pp. 341–343.
    1. Suggestive remarks about the essential boundedness of the political domain.
  1. Citizenship as Social Closure (continued)
  • 1. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class, pp. 8.
  • 2. The citizenry excludes not only foreigners but stateless persons.
  • 3. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism; Barbalet, Citizenship.
  • 4. On codification, see Bourdieu, La codification (pp. 9–10):
    • Codification is linked to discipline and to the normalization of practices, acting as an operation of symbolic ordering, etc. (full quotation captured under Points 4–5 above).
  • 5. Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence; Zolberg; Meyer & Hannan.
  • 6. Weber, Economy and Society (pp. 54–56).
  • 7. Poggi, The Development of the Modern State.
  • 8. Sahlins, Boundaries (pp. 61–63, 78–89, 93–97, 168–170, 190–192).
  • 9. Weber, Economy and Society (pp. 43–46; 341–343).
    1. Remarks on the boundedness of the political world, foreshadowing debates about citizenship and inclusion.