Lumad Responses to Spanish Occupation and Colonial Historiography

Theoretical and Historiographical Challenges in Lumad History

The study of the Lumad peoples during the Spanish occupation faces significant historiographical hurdles. As noted by the historian Teodoro A. Agoncillo, writing a truly authentic history of the Filipino people under Spanish rule is nearly impossible because the colonial administration held a total monopoly on the production of source materials. This power dynamic is encapsulated in an African proverb cited by Oona Paredes: "Until lions have their own historians, stories of the hunt will glorify the hunter." In this metaphor, the Lumads represent the "lions" and the Spaniards represent the "hunters." Because there are few Lumad historians, researchers are often forced to rely on colonial records written by the very group that sought to subjugate them.

In his book People of the Middle Ground, Edgerton explains that while tribal minorities maintained their own identities and memories, they often found themselves marginalized or lost within the larger historical narratives created by colonial forces. Similarly, James Warren describes these groups as being relegated to the periphery of events, living in the shadow of a powerful global center. This has led some, such as Eric Wolf, to categorize the Lumads as "people without history," a notion that Wolf himself challenges by arguing that these societies were dynamic and responsive to global economic systems, rather than static and isolated. Past historians frequently treated these minorities as voiceless objects or "inactive participants" in history.

However, William Henry Scott offers a more optimistic view in Cracks in the Parchment Curtain. He suggests that even within official Spanish colonial documents, there are "cracks"—fleeting glimpses of the ancestors and their reactions to Spanish dominion. Scott echoes Renato Constantino’s sentiment that the recorded history of the "articulate" (the colonizers) can be used to reconstruct the history of the "inarticulate" (the Lumads). Beyond these "cracks," there are also voluminous unwritten sources awaiting formal codification. These include the Manobo epic Ulahingan, which recounts ancestral exploits and reverence for nature, and the Tulelangan from the Ilianen Manobo, which emphasizes values such as resilience, forgiveness, and accommodation. Research into these sources is massive; for example, the digitization of the Ulahingan epic requires transcribing $359$ cassette tapes, $343$ audio tapes, and four boxes of floppy disks.

Initial Encounters and the Dynamics of Hospitality

The initial contact between the Lumads and Spanish explorers is exemplified by Ferdinand Magellan’s arrival in Butuan. According to Greg Hontiveros in Butuan of a Thousand Years, Magellan’s expedition encountered locals after seeing a fire on an island at night. Eight natives approached in a small boat called a boloto. They exhibited a combination of curiosity and mistrust. To bridge this gap, Magellan used a stick to hand them a red cap and other items. This gesture was met with a positive response, and the natives informed their king. Subsequently, two balanghai boats arrived, carrying the chief of the island of Mazzua. Communication was made possible through Enrique, Magellan’s slave from Sumatra, who spoke the language. Pigafetta noted that in that region, kings typically knew more languages than commoners.

During these initial interactions, the Mazzua king offered Magellan a "bar of massy gold, of a good size, and a basket full of ginger." While Magellan declined the gold, he later sent Enrique to request provisions, emphasizing that he came as a friend. On Good Friday, the king visited Magellan’s ship, embracing him and gifting three leaf-covered porcelain jars of rice and two orades (large fish). In return, Magellan provided a Turkish-style robe of red and yellow cloth and a fine red cap, while others received mirrors and knives. The king later hosted the Spaniards for food and wine, leading to a friendly atmosphere where Magellan and the king eventually kissed each other's hands.

This interaction highlights a trait identified by Agoncillo as "Filipino hospitality," which he suggests is practiced to such an extent that it is almost a fault. Spanish adventurers often misinterpreted this profuse hospitality as a sign of inferiority or obsequiousness. This misunderstanding led the Spaniards to believe the natives would be easy to subjugate and that colonization would proceed without significant difficulty.

Spanish Methods of Subjugation: The Triad of God, Gold, and Glory

The motivations for Spanish colonization are often summarized as "God, Gold, and Glory." While the spread of Christianity is frequently cited as the primary motive, scholars like B.R. Rodil, Nicholas Cushner, and William Henry Scott argue that the core objective was economic. Magellan’s agreement with the Spanish King was essentially a business contract aimed at securing a portion of the spice market. Rodil emphasizes that Magellan’s original instructions contained no mention of spreading Christianity; rather, the religious narrative was used to reframe the aggressive acts of colonization as a "spiritual benefit" to the natives.

Subjugation was achieved through several overlapping systems: civil-military government, the encomienda system, and ecclesiastical authority. The Spaniards utilized a "divide and rule" tactic, often recruiting native soldiers from one group to fight another. For example, they used Caragans from Surigao to help subjugate the Moros in southern and western Mindanao. They also focused on befriending local chiefs to secure alliances. The geographical center of Spanish rule shifted north from Cebu to Panay in $1568$ and finally to Manila in $1571$, which left many southern Mindanao communities in the "backwater" of colonial administration.

To manage the costs of the empire, the Spanish Crown instituted the encomienda system. Under this system, Spanish officers (encomienderos) were granted the right to collect tribute from the natives in exchange for protecting them from raiders and providing religious instruction and a justice system. However, the system became infamous for its abuses. On June $21$, $1574$, Father Martin de Rada wrote a scathing letter to King Philip II, reporting that the Spaniards used a "mailed hand," declaring war and using fire and sword against villages that could not or would not pay the demanded tribute. He argued that the natives received no actual protection or benefit, leading Peter Schreurs to describe the encomienda as a "Frankenstein" created by the Crown, which was eventually abolished due to such reports.

Missionary Strategies and Cultural Enticement

While military and civil officials focused on control and wealth, the friars and missionaries employed more subtle strategies for conversion. The Jesuits, who were the first to arrive, utilized three main tactics. First, they used songs to engage children. Second, they focused on winning over the principalia (the local leaders and chiefs), believing that their conversion would lead the rest of the community to follow. For instance, in Butuan, they successfully converted a feared chieftain named Elian. Third, they established schools—such as the primary school in Cebu in $1595$—to train an elite corps of educated laypersons who would become leaders in a Christianized society.

Missionaries also utilized "novel sights, sounds, and even smell" to attract the Lumads. This included pompous processions, colorful festivals like Flores de Mayo or Santa Cruzan, the use of candles, firecrackers during the elevation of the Host, and dramatic performances such as the Sinakulo (passion play) and the Moro-moro (Christian versus Muslim dramas). Converts were given Christian names based on the feast day of their baptism to facilitate population recording and tribute collection. Additionally, the presence of military detachments to protect converts from Moro raids made Christianity an appealing option for those feeling vulnerable.

Lumad Responses: Patterns of Accommodation and Resistance

The Lumad response to Spanish occupation differed from that of the Moros. While the Moros maintained a narrative of relentless resistance against what they viewed as tyranny, the Lumads often engaged in what might be called "unending accommodation." They were a resilient people who had already dealt with Moro dominance before the Spaniards arrived, with some groups paying tribute to Moro datus in areas like Davao, Cotabato, and southern Bukidnon.

Lumad responses can be categorized into four types: creative accommodation, resistance (including withdrawal and revolts), subterfuge, and retaliation. For most of their history, Lumads were perceived as the weaker party militarily and politically compared to Moros and Spaniards. While groups like the Caraga and Mandaya gained reputations for belligerence and violence, many other Lumad groups were more conciliatory. In northern Mindanao, such as Himologon (Cagayan de Oro) and Butuan, Spanish missionaries were often incorporated into existing settlements without being viewed as a serious threat.

In the upland regions, the Bukidnons and Manobos practiced "creative accommodation." They did not fully reject Spanish influence, nor did they become entirely dependent on it. They integrated Spanish elements into their existing worldviews: priests were placed alongside baylans (shamans), the Christian God alongside Magbabaya, and saints alongside inkantos (spirits). They adopted a dual existence, living in Spanish reducciones (settlements) while keeping traditional tulugans (houses) in the forest. They attended Catholic Mass and fiestas but also performed traditional kaliga rituals. Their leaders accepted Spanish titles like maestro de campo or capitan while remaining datus to their people. They often married twice—once in a Catholic service and once in a traditional ceremony. When Spanish exploitation became unbearable, they did not typically attack; instead, they practiced a non-violent form of resistance by abandoning the reducciones and retiring to their forest havens, leaving Spanish mentors in despair. This general tendency toward non-violence, withdrawal, and conciliation allowed them to survive while maintaining their cultural identity through both Moro and Christian eras.