Study Notes on Dissociative Disorders and Mind-Body Connection
Controversies Around the Dissociative Disorders
Skeptics of dissociative disorders argue that these disorders are artificially created through:
Suggestibility in clients
Clinicians reinforcing and possibly inducing symptoms via hypnotic suggestion
Key References on Skepticism:
Kihlstrom (2005)
Loftus (2011)
Lynn et al. (2012)
Spanos (1994)
Increased controversy surrounding the diagnosis of dissociative amnesia primarily related to:
Claims that survivors of childhood sexual abuse repressed memories for years and later recalled them during psychotherapy.
These repressed memories are typically classified as a form of dissociative amnesia.
Proponents of repressed memories argue for the existence of these phenomena:
They assert that the clinical evidence for dissociative or psychogenic amnesia is abundant.
They hold that empirical evidence supporting repressed memories is expanding (DePrince & Freyd, 2014).
Critics of repressed memories counter with their own arguments:
They assert that empirical evidence against the validity of dissociative amnesia is substantial.
They claim that evidence supporting repressed memories is biased (Kihlstrom, 2005; Loftus, 2011).
They also question the validity of methods used in previous studies that may have skewed the outcomes (Kihlstrom, 2005; Loftus, 2003; McNally, 2003).
Concerns raised about eyewitness testimony in psychological literature, suggesting that people can be led to believe in false events (Ceci & Bruck, 1995; Frenda, Nichols, & Loftus, 2011; Laney & Loftus, 2013).
Studies validating that beliefs can persist for months or even years (Zhu et al., 2012).
Example of False Memory Construction:
Elizabeth Loftus developed a method to induce false memories.
In one example:
Chris (age 14) was convinced by his brother Jim that he had been lost in a shopping mall at age 5.
Jim narrated a detailed story that made Chris believe he had a vivid memory of this event.
Over several days, Chris could recall memories of emotions, conversations, and details, despite them being fabricated.
Other studies indicated that 20-40% of adults, when repeatedly prompted about childhood events that never happened, would eventually claim detailed memories of said events (Frenda et al., 2011; Laney & Loftus, 2013).
Example:
In a study, 40% from a British sample claimed to have seen non-existent footage of the 2005 London bus explosion.
Of those, 35% infused their memories with details they could not have possibly observed.
Techniques that enhance false memories can resemble therapeutic practices:
Reviewing family photo albums during therapy to trigger repressed memories.
Showing photographs while narrating stories has increased belief in false memories with confidence (Lindsay, Hagen, Read, Wade, & Garry, 2004).
Suggestion by a psychologist that dreams reflect repressed childhood events leads to many subjects believing those events transpired (Mazzoni & Loftus, 1998).
Critique of Generalizability of Findings:
Critics assert that experiment findings on false memories do not necessarily apply to repressed memories of sexual abuse claims (Brewin & Andrews, 2017; Gleaves, Hernandez, & Warner, 2003).
They argue the social and psychological weights of admitting sexual abuse create heavy reluctance to falsely claim such memories.
Cognitive Psychology Paradigms Applied to Repressed Memories:
Richard McNally’s research indicates a higher propensity for false memories in individuals claiming recovered memories of childhood abuse or abduction.
Example study involving the recognition of similar words revealed individuals claiming alien abduction remembered a higher quantity of misrecognized words compared to control groups (Clancy, Schacter, McNally, & Pitman, 2000; Clancy, McNally, Schacter, Lenzenweger, & Pitman, 2002).
Information Processing Style in Memory Recovery:
Those claiming recovered memories may be more susceptible to processing errors leading them to convince themselves of experiences not actually lived.
Jennifer Freyd and colleagues’ counterpoints:
They argue that cognitive tasks utilized by McNally et al. do not accurately measure cognitive phenomena associated with repressed memories.
They highlight that variations in performance on divided attention tasks can serve as a measure of dissociative processes:
Individuals who dissociate their memories from abusive experiences might perform differently on tasks where attention is divided compared to others.
Divided attention tasks demonstrated that people high in dissociation often recall fewer threatening trauma-related words but recall more neutral words, suggesting a cognitive bias toward suppressing distressing memories.
Continuation of the Repressed Memory Debate:
The academic community continues to engage in discussions regarding the reality of repressed memories (see Brewin & Andrews, 2017; McNally, 2017).
There’s an ongoing effort to apply scientific methodologies and techniques to validate viewpoints, impacting how psychologists testify in legal situations regarding claims of recovered or false memories.
Implications for Individuals with Distressing Symptoms:
Individuals navigating distressing psychological symptoms find themselves amidst this complex scientific discourse, which informs therapeutic practices and legal ramifications.
Chapter Integration
The mind-body problem has been a long-standing philosophical and scientific discussion:
Investigation into whether the mind influences bodily processes and vice versa.
Consideration of how both the mind and body impact personal identity.
Dissociative and somatic symptom disorders illustrate the interconnected nature of mental and physical health:
Functional Neurological Disorder (FND) as an example where psychological stress manifests as sensory losses (e.g., eyesight, hearing).
Somatic symptom disorder where psychological stress results in significant physiological symptoms, such as severe headaches.
A common underlying theme is that some individuals find it easier to convey psychological distress via physical symptoms rather than through emotions, potentially influenced by:
Cultural and social norms
Traumatic experiences
Role models who express distress through physicality
The integration of psychological and physiological symptoms highlights the bemusing ways individuals cope with distress.
Example Case (Ben):
Ben’s health concerns linked to familial separation rather than a strict medical condition.
His physical symptoms (headaches, stomachaches) signal significant distress, aligning more closely with a somatic symptom disorder as opposed to illness anxiety disorder.