CHAP 14--Social Relationships: Family and Peers
Romantic Partnerships and Lifestyles
Most people marry in early adulthood.
Alternative living styles include remaining single or cohabitating with a partner.
Trends: late marriage, divorce, increasing number of adults choosing not to marry.
Most adults in the U.S. will spend a large part of their adult lives as single; about 8% will remain single throughout life.
Couples who marry are very likely to live together before marriage.
Singlehood
Singlehood: Not living with a romantic partner or in a committed relationship is common among U.S. adults.
In 2020, over one-third of adults were never married (31% of women and 37% of men).
Patterns of singlehood vary with age and sex.
Men are most likely to be single in their 20s.
Women in their 60s and older.
Reasons for being single include:
Having other priorities (e.g., career).
Liking being single.
Being too picky.
Simply preferring solitude and alone time.
Involuntarily single adults may feel romantic loneliness and loss; concerned with singlehood's impact on childbearing.
Adults who describe themselves as single by choice tend to be self-supporting, feel a sense of control, and are satisfied with their lives.
Black single women described choosing singlehood for growth and exploration (Moorman, 2020).
Enjoy singlehood and the freedom to take risks and experiment with lifestyle changes.
Associate singlehood with independence, self-fulfillment, and autonomy throughout their life course, including in old age.
Single adults followed over 10 years remained more satisfied than not, although satisfaction declined subtly over time, and older adults reported less satisfaction than younger adults.
Little is known about how older adults experience lifelong singlehood.
Only about 15% of adults 65 and over never married (Bureau of the Census, 2021b).
Single adults often have satisfying nonromantic relationships and social support.
Tend to invest more in their friendships than partnered people.
Investments are associated with higher quality friendships over time and greater self-esteem.
More likely to stay in frequent touch with parents, friends, and neighbors and to give and receive help from them.
Single adults with more satisfying sex lives and friendships tend to hold more positive views of singlehood and less interest in marriage.
Satisfaction with one's single status is associated with well-being.
Cohabitation
Cohabitation: The practice of unmarried couples sharing a home.
Increased education and delayed career entry have led to a rise in cohabitation.
Today, more than half of adults in their 20s have lived with a romantic partner, and about 70% of U.S. couples live together before marriage (Kuperberg, 2019).
Cohabitation tends to decline over early adulthood.
In recent national poll, similar numbers of emerging adults ages 18 to 24 cohabited as married (7% and 9%, respectively), but by ages 25 to 34 cohabitation was much less common than marriage (14% vs. 41%) (Stepler, 2017). *Cohabitation is common throughout adulthood in some European countries.
Over 75% of couples in Northern and Central Europe and the United Kingdom cohabit.
About 90% of couples in Sweden and Denmark cohabit.
Cultures differ in the acceptability of cohabitation and have different laws and policies pertaining to it. In many European countries, cohabitation is an acceptable alternative to marriage. Cohabiting couples in those countries are as stable as married couples and hold the same legal rights as married couples, including financial protection (e.g., insurance, social security, and the right to a deceased partner's pension).
Cohabitation is nearly unheard-of in some countries, such as Ireland, Italy, Japan, and the Philippines, where few adults have ever lived with an unmarried partner.
Duration of Cohabitation
From the 1950s to the 1980s, the duration of cohabitating relations has lengthened.
Compared with cohabitating unions formed in the 1980s, those formed between 2006 and 2013 lasted longer (an average of 18 months, compared with 12).
Baby Boom cohort tended to end cohabitation with marriage, cohabitating young adults today are more likely to break up than marry.
Cohabitation usually does not last long, does not end in marriage, and is consistently shorter than marriages.
Reasons for cohabitation include changes in employment, housing, and economic situations; convenience, a response to pregnancy, or to assess romantic compatibility.
Black and Latinx young adults and those of low socioeconomic status are more likely to choose long-term cohabitation as an alternative to marriage, whereas white young adults and those of high socioeconomic status are more likely to marry after a period of cohabitation.
Young adults today are more likely to have experienced several cohabitating relationships by the time they reach age 30, compared with Baby Boomers.
Multiple cohabitation experiences mean that today's young adults have many opportunities to learn about relationships, learn about what works and does not work, and practice skills in navigating romantic partnerships, which can lead to more successful future relationships.
Cohabitation and Marital Satisfaction
Researchers once believed that cohabitation was linked with poor adjustment and unhappiness compared with marriage.
In the past, cohabiting couples in the United States who married tended to have unhappier marriages with a greater likelihood of divorce than non-cohabiting couples.
Studies examined adults born to the Baby Boom generation, whose sociocultural context viewed premarital cohabitation as taboo.
Baby Boomers who chose cohabitation tended to be more unconventional, risky, and rebellious than their married peers.
Research with current cohorts of young adults, specifically Millennials, has shown that cohabitation is no longer related to lower levels of marriage stability.
Today, cohabitating couples show similar levels of relationship quality (including support, intimacy, and conflict) and happiness as married couples.
Cohabitating couples who marry are no more likely to end their marriages than couples who do not cohabitate prior to marriage.
Cohabitation in Late Adulthood
Cohabitation has nearly quadrupled among adults over age 50, from 1.2 million in 2000 to 4 million adults in 2016.
Older adults view cohabitation positively, and adults over the age of 50 represent about a quarter of all cohabiting adults.
Many older adults, over age 65, enter cohabiting relationships as an alternative to marriage.
Cohabitation is more consistently associated with positive outcomes in late adulthood as compared with early adulthood.
Older adult cohabitors tend to report higher quality relationships, perceiving more fairness, more time spent alone with their partner, fewer disagreements, and a lower likelihood of heated arguments than their younger peers.
Compared with younger couples, older adults who cohabit tend to be in relationships of longer duration, are more likely to have experienced the dissolution of a marriage, and tend to view the relationship as an alternative to marriage.
Older adults may be less interested in marriage because they are past the age of childbearing and may be more interested in protecting the wealth they have accrued over their lifetime than they are in pooling economic resources.
In late adulthood, cohabitating unions are similar to marriages in terms of adults' reports of emotional satisfaction, pleasure, openness, time spent together, perceived criticism and demands, and overall well-being.
Among older adults, cohabitation shows similar health benefits to marriage, especially for men.
Marriage
Over the past half-century, marriage rates have declined to record lows, yet nearly all adults in the United States will marry.
By age 45, about 80% of adults have married at least once to a different-sex or same-sex partner, nearly 90% of adults have married by age 65, and 95% have married by age 85.
In 2020, the median age of first marriage in the United States was 28.6 for women and 30.4 for men, with dramatic increases over the previous 50 years.
Gay and lesbian adults seek love, partnership, and close intimate relationships.
Intimate relationships and marriage have similar meanings for same-sex and different-sex couples, and all couples share similar influences on marital satisfaction.
For gay and lesbian couples, marriage can be identify affirming, signifying acceptance and support from family, friends, and the larger cultural context.
Until recently, it was very difficult to study same-sex unions because same-sex marriage was not legal in all U.S. states.
Since the 2015 Supreme Court decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, gay and lesbian couples in all states have formed legal unions through marriage.
Transition to Marriage
Generally speaking, marriage offers economic, physical, and psychological benefits.
Married people around the world tend to live longer and are happier, physically healthier, wealthier, and in better mental health than nonmarried people.
Same-sex couples experience the same psychological and health benefits from legal marriage, civil unions, and registered domestic partnerships as different-sex couples.
The transition to marriage is often challenging, as newlyweds experience multiple changes during their first years of marriage, such as coordinating and making decisions about living arrangements, housework, eating habits, and sexual activity.
Many newlyweds struggle with rising debt, which is associated with higher levels of conflict.
Most couples report a decline in relationship satisfaction over the first year of marriage.
Observed in couples of diverse backgrounds and socioeconomic status.
Couples who are successful at managing the transition to married life express warmth, empathy, and respect in their relationship.
They are able to address differences and resolve conflicts constructively by expressing feelings calmly, listening, accepting responsibility, and compromising.
Partners in successful marriages maintain positive emotions for their spouse even in the midst of conflict.
Unhappy couples, during arguments, easily sink into negative emotions that are overwhelming and difficult to escape.
Studies that have compared gay, lesbian, and different-sex couples have found no significant differences in love, satisfaction, or the partners' evaluations of the strengths and weaknesses of their relationships.
Marital Satisfaction
One of the best predictors of marital satisfaction and a long-lasting marriage is the partners' chronological maturity, or age.
The younger the bride and groom, the less likely they are to have a lifelong marriage.
Forging an intimate relationship relies on a secure sense of identity, which many emerging adults are still developing.
Marital success is also predicted by the degree of similarity between the members of the couple.
Similarity in socioeconomic status, education, religion, and age all contribute to predicting a happy marriage.
Spouses reciprocally influence each other and tend, over a lifetime of marriage, to become more similar to each other in terms of personality, health, and well-being, including rates of depression, physical activity, substance use, diseases, and markers of aging.
The quality of the marital relationship predicts physical and mental health and well-being, including lower mortality risk, in both men and women in all marriages, same-sex and different-sex.
Cisgender men in different-sex marriages tend to report being happier with their marriages than women, though the difference is small.
Dual-earner couples who view themselves as equal contributors to household duties tend to divide work most equitably and report highest levels of satisfaction. Very unequal divisions of labor predict marital instability and dissolution.
Perceived equity (feeling that responsibilities are distributed fairly) is more important than actual equity in determining marital satisfaction for all couples, regardless of sexual orientation, but especially for women in different-sex marriages.
Marriage in Late Adulthood
As work and childrearing demands decline, marital satisfaction tends to increase from middle adulthood through late adulthood.
Compared with middle-aged adults, older adults perceive more positive characteristics and fewer negative characteristics in their partners.
Older married adults tend to view their spouses through rose-colored glasses, and viewing one's spouse positively predicts marital satisfaction.
Marriages in late adulthood are characterized by less conflict, less negativity, and more positive interactions than in early adulthood.
Compared to younger couples, older couples show fewer disagreements, tend to discuss disagreements with more respect and humor, and resolve arguments more quickly and constructively with less resulting anger and resentment.
A variety of factors contribute to the rise in marital satisfaction over the adult years.
A lifetime of shared experiences, such as raising families, navigating crises, and building memories together, brings couples closer.
Couples' goals change from raising children to seeking companionship.
Adults are no longer faced with the challenges of balancing childrearing and career.
Retirement is associated with more time together and an increase in marital satisfaction.
Many women perceive greater fairness in their relationships and greater equity in household tasks, as retired men often take on a greater role in completing household tasks than at earlier periods.
Research on marital satisfaction in older adulthood nearly exclusively focuses on heterosexual couples, but same-sex couples likely show similar patterns.
Divorce
Divorce was once uncommon.
During the 1960s, the divorce rate more than doubled in many Western nations
In the United States, the divorce rate increased during the 1970s, peaked in the early 1980s (5.3 divorces per 1,000 people), and declined to 2.3 in 2020.
Most U.S. marriages that end in divorce do so within the first 10 years.
By 45 years of age, over one-third of men and women have been divorced.
Predictors
Couples who are older and who share similarities in demographics, interests, personality, and values are more likely to have successful marriages.
Poor education, economic disadvantage, and the experience of multiple life stressors and role overload are associated with heightened risk for divorce.
Adults who have experienced their parents' divorce may themselves be more prone to divorce.
Adult children of divorced families may have poor coping and conflict resolution skills, experience more stress and conflict in their relationships, and be less able or willing to resolve differences.
The couple's communication and problem-solving style predicts divorce.
Negative interaction patterns and difficulty regulating discussions predict later divorce even in newlyweds who report high marital satisfaction.
Patterns are often evident before marriage.
During conflict, troubled couples often experience negative emotions that are overwhelming and that interfere with their connection to their partner.
Unable to effectively resolve differences, when one member of the couple raises a concern, the other may retreat, reacting with anger, resentment, and defensiveness, creating a negative cycle.
Disagreements over finances are particularly strong predictors of divorce.
Adjustment
Divorce is a stressful process, often including conflict, physical separation, moving, distributing property, and, for some, child-custody negotiations.
Regardless of who initiates a divorce, all family members feel stress and a confusing array of emotions, such as anger, despair, embarrassment, shame, failure, and, sometimes, relief.
Recently divorced adults are prone to depression; loneliness; anxiety; an increase in risky behaviors such as drug and alcohol use; promiscuous sexual activity; and poor eating, sleeping, and working habits.
Divorce is associated with decreased life satisfaction, heightened risk for a range of illnesses, and even a 20% to 30% increase in early mortality.
Spouses in very low-quality relationships may experience divorce as a relief and show increased life satisfaction afterward.
People vary in their experiences. The bulk of these negative effects are thought to affect only a minority of divorcing adults.
Although life satisfaction tends to plummet during the divorce itself, it gradually rises afterward.
Most people are resilient and fare well, especially after the initial adjustment.
Divorce is thought to be more harmful to women's health than to that of men because it tends to represent a greater economic loss for women, often including a loss of housing and health insurance.
Women who successfully make the transition through a divorce tend to show positive long-term outcomes.
Tend to become more tolerant, self-reliant, and nonconforming—all characteristics that are associated with the increased autonomy and self-reliance demands that come with divorce.
Overall, 40% of new marriages involve remarriage of one or both partners.
Women are more likely to not want to marry again (54%) as compared with men (30%).
Men tend to remarry more quickly after divorce than do women.
Divorce represents an opportunity for growth and development, and adaptive outcomes following divorce appear to be the norm, not the exception.
Late Adulthood
Couples over the age of 65 are less likely to divorce than are younger couples.
The "gray divorce" rate has doubled since 1990.
Older adults report divorcing because of poor communication, emotional detachment, and few shared interests
Adults in long-term marriages may find it more difficult to adjust to divorce than do younger adults.
Divorce poses financial challenges for couples because accumulated assets must be divided and financial security in retirement is at risk.
Divorced women face greater financial and emotional difficulties than do divorced men.
Rates of remarriage decline in older adulthood.
Adults, particularly older men, remarry after divorce.
Single women, whether by divorce or widowhood, are less likely to marry than are men.
When adults remarry, their unions tend to be more stable than those of younger people.
Many older adults choose cohabitation over remarriage.
Childbearing and Family Constellations
Families influence our development.
Families may take many forms.
Childbearing
Having children was considered an inevitable part of adult life, but since the 1960s, effective methods of birth control and changing cultural views on parenthood and childlessness have made having children a choice.
Childbearing rates have declined in most industrialized nations.
In the 1950s, the average number of children born to a woman in the United States was 3.8; today it is 1.8.
The average number of children is even lower for many industrialized nations, including Canada (1.6), Germany (1.5), and Japan (1.4).
Rates are significantly higher in developing nations such as Niger (6.9), Chad (5.6), and Afghanistan (4.7).
Most married adults still become parents, but later in life than ever before.
The average age at which U.S. women give birth has increased over the past 3 decades, from 21.4 in 1970 to 27.1 in 2020.
Women who postpone childbearing to their mid-30s are at increased risk for experiencing fertility difficulties.
Becoming a Parent
About 45% of all pregnancies in the United States are unintended.
North American adults cite a variety of reasons to have children, including experiencing the parent-child bond; growth, learning, and fun experiences that come with raising a child; and the desire to help someone grow into a productive adult.
Common disadvantages of parenthood include the loss of freedom and high cost of raising a child.
Many new parents report not feeling prepared for their infants' constant needs.
New caregiving responsibilities are accompanied by added housework, financial demands, loss of sleep, decreased physical activity, and diminished leisure time.
Pressures are associated with a reduced sense of well-being, self-esteem, and self-control and even depression.
Women are more likely to experience declines in well-being, while men tend to show more positive well-being outcomes over time.
One study of Swiss parents found that it was not the first child but a second child that was associated with declines in mothers' life satisfaction.
The challenges of new parenthood are accompanied by rewards, such as experiencing a greater sense of meaning in life.
The parenthood transition places stress on even the best of relationships and marriages.
Parenthood is associated with sudden declines in marital satisfaction for both partners in same-sex and opposite-sex relationships.
Nonmarital Childbearing
About 40% of infants in the United States are born to unmarried mothers each year (up from 28% in 1990).
More single professional women in their 30s have become single parents by choice.
Nonmarital childbearing is most common among women who have not attended college.
Unmarried non-cohabitating mothers in the United States tend to have less education and are more likely to live at or near the poverty level.
Two-thirds of nonmarital births occur to couples who live together in a cohabiting union but are not married.
Childlessness
About 15% of U.S. women ages 40 to 44 have not given birth to any children.
In many cases, childlessness is involuntary, the result of infertility or of postponing parenthood.
Some adults are childless by choice-or childfree.
Common reasons include:
The desire for flexibility and freedom from child care responsibilities.
Pursuit of career aspirations.
Economic security.
Environmental reasons (e.g., not wanting to contribute to global overpopulation).
Desires to preserve marital satisfaction.
High levels of education and income are consistent predictors of childlessness in women.
Women and men who are voluntarily childless tend to be less religious and more assertive, independent, and self-reliant than their peers.
Attributes likely influence their adjustment throughout life
Adults who are childless by choice tend to be just as content with their lives as those who are parents.
Involuntary childlessness, however, is associated with life dissatisfaction in both men and women varying from ambivalence to regret and deep disappointment, especially when it is accompanied by self-blame, rumination, and catastrophizing.
Social context also matters
The extent to which childlessness is associated with lower psychological well-being appears to be associated with the degree to which a country and culture's norms are tolerant toward childlessness.
One-Parent Families
About one-quarter of U.S. children under age 18 live with one parent, most commonly with their mother.
Black children are disproportionally likely to live in a one-parent home with their mother (46% compared with 26% of Hispanic, 15% of non-Hispanic white, and 11% of Asian American children).
There are various paths to creating a one-parent family, such as divorce, death, or having never married.
Some children show more physical, mental health, and behavioral problems, and others show similar emotional and behavioral adjustment as those reared in two-parent homes.
Diverse findings are likely related to the parenting stress that may accompany single parenthood, particularly in low socioeconomic contexts.
Children in single-mother homes, regardless of ethnicity, are disproportionately likely to live in poverty.
Differences in adjustment between children raised by one or two parents are small; the vast majority of children raised in one-parent homes are well adjusted.
There are more differences among children in single-parent homes than between children in single-parent homes and two-parent homes.
Women are becoming single parents by choice.
Children reared by single-by-choice parents tend to live in higher socioeconomic homes than other children reared by single parents, and they tend to experience positive adjustment and few problems.
Frequently, a parent's cohabiting partner also occupies the home, with social, caregiving, and financial implications.
Cohabiting Families
There are many kinds of families, and not all are formed through marriage.
An estimated 40% of children will spend some time in a cohabiting-parent family before they reach age 12.
Unmarried cohabiting couples tend to have shorter, less stable relationships than married couples.
Compared to children of married parents, children living in cohabiting households are much more likely to be exposed to family instability, including parental separation, conflict in the home, and transitions in family life, all of which influence adjustment.
Children of unmarried cohabiting parents who have close caring relationships with them and whose union is stable develop as well as their counterparts whose parents' marriage is stable.
Children raised in cohabiting-parent families experience economic situations that are better than those of many children in single-parent families (e.g., higher parental education and family earnings) but more economically stressful than those reared by married parents (e.g., greater poverty and food insecurity).
The effect of cohabitation on children may vary with contextual norms.
Same-Sex Parented Families
About 16% of same-sex couples raise children (24% of lesbian and 8% of gay couples), compared with 39% of different-sex couples.
Most children raised by LGBT parents are the biological children of these parents.
LGBT parents are more likely to adopt children than are heterosexual parents.
Joint adoption by same-sex couples became legal in all U.S. states in 2017.
Gay and lesbian couples who create families via reproductive technology face unique challenges.
Social (nongenetic) parents do not have automatic legal connection to their spouses' offspring, as men in different-sex marriages usually do.
Parents in same-sex families who seek to protect their legal rights as parents often formally adopt their children.
Nonbiological parents can be listed on newborns' birth certificates, acknowledging their rights as parents without pursuing adoption.
Same-sex parents do not differ from heterosexual parents in competence or commitment to their roles as parents.
Gay and lesbian couples tend to coparent more equally than heterosexual partners; their relationship dynamics often shift based on paid work outside the home.
Children and adolescents raised by lesbian mothers or gay fathers do not differ from other children on measures of emotional development, such as empathy and emotional regulation.
Children raised by gay and lesbian parents may score higher in some aspects of social and academic competence and show fewer social and behavioral problems and lower levels of aggression than other children.
Children raised by lesbian mothers and gay fathers show similar patterns of gender identity and gender role development as children raised by heterosexual parents—they are not more likely to identify as gay or lesbian in adulthood.
Variables are far more important than parental gender or sexual orientation in affecting children's development and well-being
A family's social and economic resources,
The strength of the relationships among members of the family,
The presence of stigma
Divorced and Divorcing Families
Since 1960, divorce rates have tripled in many industrialized nations.
The divorce rate in the United States is high relative to that in many countries, it has declined over the past 3 decades from its peak of 5.3 per 1,000 in the total population in 1981 to 2.3 in 2020.
Most researchers today take a neutral stance, viewing divorce as a common transition that many children experience and that poses some challenges to adjustment.
Divorce has some negative effects on children's adjustment, such as internalizing and externalizing problems, but the effects are small, vary by particular outcome, are often transient, and do not apply to all children uniformly.
Most children show improved adjustment within 2 years after the divorce, suggesting that the majority of children of divorce are resilient.
What initially appear to be effects of divorce are likely to be a complex combination of parent, child, and contextual factors that precede and follow the divorce in conjunction with the divorce itself
Divorce triggers a reconfiguration of family roles, and parenting responsibilities shift disproportionately onto the resident parent.
After divorce, children are typically raised by their mothers and experience a drop in income that influences their access to resources and opportunities, such as after-school programs and activities.
High-quality family relationships, including positive interactions with the noncustodial parent and low levels of parent-parent conflict, can buffer children against these stressors.
Divorce tends to be preceded by a period of uncertainty and tension, often characterized by increases in conflict between parents that may continue for several years after the divorce.
Chronic exposure to parental conflict is associated with increased physiological arousal, an elevated stress response, and poorer adjustment.
Longitudinal research following children of married parents has found that children whose parents later divorce show many of the problems typical of children of divorce, such as anxiety, depression, delinquency, and poor academics, long before the divorce takes place.
When researchers take into account the quality of parenting and children's exposure to conflict, the link between parental divorce and children's adjustment lessens, suggesting that parenting strategies and relationships are more important influences on children's adjustment than divorce.
Blended Families
About 15% of U.S. children live in a blended family: a family composed of a biological parent and a nonrelated adult, most commonly a mother and stepfather.
Blended families, also sometimes referred to as stepfamilies or reconstituted families, present children with new challenges and adjustments, as the multiple transitions entailed by divorce and remarriage are stressful.
Transitions are stressful.
Difficult to integrate
As stepfamilies become more complex, that is, as the number of biologically and nonbiologically related individuals in the family increases, so do risks for children's adjustment.
Children may find adjusting to stepsiblings challenging.
School-age children and adolescents tend to display more difficulties in adjusting to remarriage than do younger children.
Most children reared in stepfamilies do not differ from those raised in single-parent families in terms of cognitive, academic, and social outcomes.
Entering a stepfamily is associated with improved adjustment, especially when it results in an increase in family income.
Overall, blended families adapt more easily and children show better adjustment when stepparents build a warm friendship with the child and adopt their new roles slowly rather than rushing or forcing relationships.
Remarried parents tend to report higher levels of tension and conflict about parenting compared with first-married parents.
How well adults adjust to the role of stepparent is influenced by the support of the biological parent as well as the children's perception of their relationship with the stepparent and willingness to accept the adult into the family.
Parenting
Relationships between parents and children begin in infancy and persist throughout life.
Styles of interaction and discipline that parents and caregivers use influence their relationship and children's adjustment.
Parenting Styles
Parenting style: the emotional climate of the parent-child relationship, the degree of warmth, support, and boundaries that parents provide.
Parenting style influences parents' efficacy, their relationship with their children, and their children's development.
Parenting styles are displayed as enduring sets of parenting behaviors that occur across situations to form childrearing climates.
Authoritarian Parenting Style
Emphasize behavioral control and obedience over warmth.
Children are to conform to parental rules without question
Violations are often accompanied by forceful punishment, such as yelling, threatening, or spanking.
Less supportive and warm and more detached, perhaps even appearing cold.
Children raised by authoritarian parents tend to be withdrawn, mistrustful, anxious, and angry.
Permissive Parenting Style
Warm and accepting, even indulgent.
Emphasize self-expression and have few rules and behavioral expectations for their children.
When rules are set, they often are not enforced or are enforced inconsistently.
Parents with a permissive parenting style often allow children to monitor their own behavior.
Children are permitted to make their own decisions at an early age.
Preschoolers raised with a permissive parenting style tend to be more socioemotionally immature than their peers, more rebellious, impulsive, and bossy, and show less self-control, self-regulatory capacity, and persistence.
Places children at risk for poor school achievement and more behavior problems.
Uninvolved Parenting Style
Focus on their own needs rather than those of their children.
Parents who are under stress, emotionally detached, or depressed often lack time or energy to devote to their children.
Uninvolved parents provide little support or warmth, exert little control, and fail to recognize their children's need for affection and direction.
Young children reared in neglectful homes show less knowledge about emotions than do children raised with other parenting styles.
Uninvolved parenting can have negative consequences for all forms of children's development—cognitive, emotional, social, and even physical..*
Authoritative Parenting Style
Warm and sensitive to children's needs but also are firm in their expectations that children conform to appropriate standards of behavior.
While exerting firm, reasonable control, they engage their children in discussions about standards and grant them developmentally appropriate levels of autonomy, permitting decision making that is appropriate to the children's abilities.
When a rule is violated, authoritative parents explain what the children did wrong and impose limited, developmentally appropriate punishments that are closely connected to the misdeed.
Authoritative parents value and foster children's individuality.
They encourage their children to have their own interests, opinions, and decisions, but ultimately, they control the children's behavior.
Children of authoritative parents display confidence, self-esteem, and curiosity and score higher on measures of social skills, prosocial behavior, executive function, and academic achievement.
Presence of authoritative parenting in at least one parent buffers the negative outcomes associated with the other style and predicts positive adjustment.
Discipline
Discipline: the methods a parent uses to teach and socialize children toward acceptable behavior.
Learning theory can account for the effect of parents' discipline strategies on children's behavior.
Reinforcement is most effective in changing children's behavior.
Effective reinforcement must be viewed as rewarding to the child and can be tangible or intangible
To change a child's behavior, reinforcement must be administered consistently when the desired behavior occurs.
Physical Punishment
Physical punishment, also known as corporeal punishment or spanking, is against the law in over 50 countries, yet hotly contested in others.
In the United States, the majority of adults report that they were spanked as children without harm, and 80% of a sample of U.S. parents report spanking their young children.
Physical punishment tends to increase compliance only temporarily, if at all.
Fosters the very behavior that parents seek to stop because punishment models the use of aggression as an effective way of resolving conflict and other problems, teaching children that might makes right.
Associated with behavior problems in infancy, toddlerhood, and early childhood and with internalizing and externalizing problems, and low self-esteem in childhood and adolescence and mental health problems and antisocial behavior in adulthood
Damaging to parent-child interactions and their relationship
Alternatives to Physical Punishment
Nonphysical punishment can be effective, in small doses and within specific contexts.
Time out from reinforcement, commonly referred to as "time out," entails removing a child from the situation and its rewarding stimuli, including social contact, for a short period of time.
Implemented correctly, time out is effective in reducing inappropriate behavior.
Punishment should occur immediately after the dangerous behavior, be applied calmly and consistently, be clearly connected to the behavior, and be explained
Romantic Partnerships and Lifestyles
Most individuals enter into marriage during early adulthood, marking a significant life transition.
Alternative living arrangements are increasingly common, including remaining single by choice or cohabitating with a romantic partner outside of marriage.
Current trends indicate a shift towards later marriages, a rising incidence of divorce, and a growing segment of the adult population choosing to remain unmarried, reflecting changing societal norms and personal preferences.
A substantial proportion of adults in the United States will spend a considerable part of their lives as single individuals, with approximately 8% opting to remain single throughout their entire lives.
It is increasingly common for couples who eventually marry to first experience living together, suggesting a period of assessment and compatibility testing before making a formal commitment.
Singlehood
Singlehood, defined as not living with a romantic partner or being in a committed relationship, is a prevalent lifestyle choice among adults in the U.S., reflecting diverse personal values and priorities.
In 2020, statistics revealed that over one-third of adults had never been married, with 31% of women and 37% of men identifying as never married, highlighting the increasing acceptance of singlehood as a long-term status.
Patterns of singlehood exhibit variations based on age and sex, with men being most likely to be single during their 20s, while women are more commonly single in their 60s and older, influenced by factors such as career trajectories and widowhood.
Motivations for remaining single encompass a range of factors:
Prioritizing personal and professional goals, such as career advancement or educational pursuits, which may take precedence over forming a committed relationship.
Actively enjoying the single lifestyle, relishing the independence and freedom it provides, and not feeling compelled to conform to societal expectations of marriage.
Exhibiting high standards in partner selection, leading to difficulty in finding a suitable match and a willingness to remain single rather than compromise on desired qualities.
A genuine preference for solitude and the opportunity to engage in solitary activities, reflecting a personality that values independence and introspection.
Involuntarily single adults may experience feelings of romantic loneliness and loss, particularly if they desire a committed relationship but have not found a partner, and may also be concerned about the implications of singlehood on their ability to have children.
Adults who identify as single by choice often demonstrate self-sufficiency, a strong sense of control over their lives, and overall satisfaction with their chosen lifestyle:
Black single women, in particular, have expressed that choosing singlehood allows for personal growth and exploration, empowering them to define their own paths.
Embracing singlehood provides the freedom to take risks, experiment with different lifestyles, and pursue personal interests without the constraints of a committed relationship.
Singlehood is associated with independence, self-fulfillment, and autonomy throughout the life course, including in old age, as individuals prioritize personal growth and self-discovery.
Longitudinal studies following single adults over a decade have indicated that satisfaction levels generally remain stable, although there may be a subtle decline over time, with older adults reporting slightly lower satisfaction levels compared to their younger counterparts.
Limited research exists on the experiences of older adults who have remained single throughout their lives, representing a gap in understanding the unique challenges and rewards of lifelong singlehood. - Only about 15% of adults 65 and over never married (Bureau of the Census, 2021b).
Single adults often cultivate fulfilling nonromantic relationships and strong social support networks, compensating for the absence of a romantic partner:
They tend to invest more time and energy in friendships, recognizing the importance of social connections for overall well-being.
These investments in friendships are associated with higher quality relationships over time, fostering a sense of belonging and enhancing self-esteem.
Single adults are more likely to maintain frequent contact with parents, friends, and neighbors, actively participating in reciprocal relationships of giving and receiving help.
Single adults who report satisfying sex lives and strong friendships tend to hold more positive attitudes toward singlehood and exhibit less interest in pursuing marriage, finding fulfillment and contentment in their current lifestyle.
Satisfaction with one's single status is closely linked to overall well-being, highlighting the importance of self-acceptance and embracing one's chosen path.
Cohabitation
Cohabitation is defined as the practice of unmarried couples sharing a common residence, gaining prominence as a relationship stage or alternative to marriage.
Factors such as increased educational attainment and delayed entry into the workforce have contributed to the rise in cohabitation rates, as young adults prioritize career development and financial stability.
Currently, more than half of adults in their 20s have experienced living with a romantic partner, and approximately 70% of U.S. couples choose to cohabitate before getting married, indicating a widespread acceptance of cohabitation as a precursor to marriage (Kuperberg, 2019).
Cohabitation rates tend to decrease as individuals progress through early adulthood, with many cohabiting couples eventually transitioning to marriage or separating.
Recent national polls indicate that cohabitation is nearly as common as marriage among emerging adults ages 18 to 24 (7% and 9%, respectively), but by ages 25 to 34, marriage becomes significantly more prevalent than cohabitation (14% vs. 41%) (Stepler, 2017).
Cohabitation is a common and accepted practice throughout adulthood in many European countries:
Over 75% of couples in Northern and Central Europe and the United Kingdom choose to cohabitate, reflecting a cultural acceptance of nonmarital partnerships.
In Sweden and Denmark, cohabitation is particularly widespread, with approximately 90% of couples opting to live together outside of marriage.
Cultural attitudes towards cohabitation vary significantly, influencing laws and policies related to nonmarital partnerships. In many European countries, cohabitation is viewed as an acceptable alternative to marriage, and cohabiting couples enjoy similar legal rights and protections as married couples, including financial benefits such as insurance, social security, and inheritance rights.
In contrast, cohabitation remains relatively uncommon in some countries, such as Ireland, Italy, Japan, and the Philippines, where cultural and religious norms favor traditional marriage, and few adults have experience living with an unmarried partner.
Duration of Cohabitation
Historical trends reveal that the duration of cohabitating relationships has increased from the 1950s to the 1980s, reflecting changing attitudes toward commitment and partnership.
Cohabitating relationships formed between 2006 and 2013 lasted longer on average (18 months) compared to those formed in the 1980s (12 months), suggesting a shift toward more stable and committed cohabitation.
While the Baby Boom cohort often viewed cohabitation as a stepping stone to marriage, cohabitating young adults today are more likely to end their relationships than to marry, indicating a greater acceptance of cohabitation as a long-term alternative to marriage.
Cohabitation typically does not last as long as marriage, and many cohabitating relationships do not end in marriage, highlighting the distinction between cohabitation and marriage as distinct relationship statuses.
Motivations for cohabitation include changes in employment, housing, and economic circumstances, as well as convenience, unplanned pregnancy, or a desire to assess romantic compatibility before making a formal commitment.
Black and Latinx young adults, as well as individuals from low socioeconomic backgrounds, are more likely to view long-term cohabitation as an alternative to marriage, while white young adults and those from high socioeconomic backgrounds tend to marry after a period of cohabitation.
Young adults today are more likely to have experienced multiple cohabitating relationships by the time they reach age 30 compared to Baby Boomers, providing them with greater opportunities for learning about relationships and developing skills in navigating romantic partnerships.
Multiple cohabitation experiences offer young adults the chance to learn about the dynamics of relationships, identify what works and does not work, and practice essential skills in navigating romantic partnerships, ultimately leading to more successful future relationships.
Cohabitation and Marital Satisfaction
Early research suggested that cohabitation was associated with poorer marital adjustment and lower levels of happiness compared to marriage; however, these findings were based on studies of Baby Boomers, whose sociocultural context viewed premarital cohabitation as unconventional.
In the past, cohabiting couples in the United States who eventually married tended to have less happy marriages and a higher risk of divorce compared to couples who did not cohabitate, reflecting the stigma associated with cohabitation during the Baby Boom era.
Studies examining adults born to the Baby Boom generation revealed that those who chose cohabitation were often more unconventional, risk-taking, and rebellious compared to their married peers, potentially influencing their marital outcomes.
Research on more recent cohorts of young adults, particularly Millennials, indicates that cohabitation is no longer associated with lower levels of marriage stability, reflecting a shift in societal attitudes and norms.
Today, cohabitating couples exhibit similar levels of relationship quality, including support, intimacy, and conflict resolution skills, as married couples, suggesting that cohabitation does not inherently undermine relationship satisfaction.
Cohabitating couples who eventually marry are no more likely to end their marriages compared to couples who do not cohabitate prior to marriage, challenging the notion that cohabitation negatively impacts marital stability.
Cohabitation in Late Adulthood
Cohabitation rates have quadrupled among adults over age 50, increasing from 1.2 million in 2000 to 4 million in 2016, reflecting a growing acceptance of cohabitation as an alternative to marriage in later life.
Older adults generally hold positive views of cohabitation, and those over the age of 50 constitute approximately a quarter of all cohabiting adults, underscoring the increasing prevalence of cohabitation in older age groups.
Many older adults, particularly those over 65, enter into cohabiting relationships as an alternative to marriage, driven by factors such as companionship, financial considerations, and personal preferences.
Cohabitation is more consistently associated with positive outcomes in late adulthood compared to early adulthood, potentially due to the different motivations and priorities of older adults in cohabiting relationships.
Older adult cohabitors tend to report higher quality relationships, perceiving greater fairness, spending more quality time with their partners, experiencing fewer disagreements, and having a lower likelihood of heated arguments compared to their younger counterparts.
Compared with younger couples, older adults who cohabit tend to be in relationships of longer duration, are more likely to have experienced the dissolution of a marriage, and tend to view the relationship as an alternative to marriage.
Older adults may be less interested in marriage because they are past the age of childbearing and may be more interested in protecting the wealth they have accrued over their lifetime than they are in pooling economic resources.
In late adulthood, cohabitating relationships are similar to marriages in terms of emotional satisfaction, pleasure, openness, time spent together, perceived criticism and demands, and overall well-being, highlighting the comparability of these relationship statuses in older age.
Among older adults, cohabitation demonstrates similar health benefits to marriage, particularly for men, suggesting that the positive effects of companionship and support extend across different types of partnerships.
Marriage
While marriage rates have declined to record lows over the past half-century, nearly all adults in the United States will eventually marry, underscoring the enduring importance of marriage as a social institution.
By age 45, approximately 80% of adults have married at least once to a different-sex or same-sex partner, rising to nearly 90% by age 65 and 95% by age 85, indicating the high prevalence of marriage across the lifespan.
In 2020, the median age of first marriage in the United States was 28.6 for women and 30.4 for men, representing a significant increase over the previous 50 years, reflecting changing societal norms and priorities.
Gay and lesbian adults seek love, partnership, and close intimate relationships, mirroring the desires of heterosexual individuals and emphasizing the universality of human connection.
Intimate relationships and marriage hold similar meanings for same-sex and different-sex couples, and all couples share common influences on marital satisfaction, indicating the fundamental similarities in relationship dynamics across sexual orientations.
For gay and lesbian couples, marriage can affirm their identity, signaling acceptance and support from family, friends, and the broader cultural context and validating their relationships as equal to those of heterosexual couples.
Research on same-sex unions has been historically limited due to the legal restrictions on same-sex marriage in many U.S. states; however, the legalization of same-sex marriage nationwide has facilitated increased scholarly attention to this area.
Since the 2015 Supreme Court decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, gay and lesbian couples in all states have been able to form legal unions through marriage, ensuring equal rights and recognition for their relationships.
Transition to Marriage
Marriage generally offers economic, physical, and psychological benefits, contributing to the well-being and overall quality of life for individuals and couples.
Married individuals worldwide tend to live longer, report higher levels of happiness, experience better physical health, accumulate greater wealth, and exhibit better mental health compared to their nonmarried counterparts, underscoring the multifaceted advantages of marriage.
Same-sex couples experience the same psychological and health benefits from legal marriage, civil unions, and registered domestic partnerships as different-sex couples, highlighting the equitable impact of formalizing intimate relationships.
The transition to marriage can be challenging, as newlyweds encounter numerous adjustments during their first years together, including coordinating living arrangements, household responsibilities, eating habits, and sexual activity.
Many newlyweds grapple with rising debt, which is associated with higher levels of conflict and stress within the marriage, emphasizing the importance of financial stability and communication in maintaining marital harmony.
Most couples report a decline in relationship satisfaction during the first year of marriage, a phenomenon observed across diverse backgrounds and socioeconomic statuses, suggesting that the initial period of adjustment can be particularly demanding.
Couples who effectively manage the transition to married life demonstrate warmth, empathy, and respect in their relationship, fostering a positive and supportive environment.
They are able to address differences and resolve conflicts constructively by expressing feelings calmly, actively listening, accepting responsibility, and compromising, demonstrating effective communication and problem-solving skills.
Partners in successful marriages sustain positive emotions for their spouse even during conflict, maintaining a foundation of love and affection that helps them navigate disagreements and challenges.
Unhappy couples, on the other hand, tend to become entrenched in negative emotions during arguments, creating a cycle of negativity that is difficult to escape and detrimental to the relationship.
Studies comparing gay, lesbian, and different-sex couples have revealed no significant differences in love, satisfaction, or partners' evaluations of the strengths and weaknesses of their relationships, challenging traditional assumptions about relationship quality based on sexual orientation.
Marital Satisfaction
One of the strongest predictors of marital satisfaction and a long-lasting marriage is the partners' chronological maturity, or age, suggesting that emotional and psychological readiness are crucial for successful unions.
The younger the bride and groom, the less likely they are to have a lifelong marriage, as they may lack the maturity and stability needed to navigate the challenges of married life.
Forging an intimate relationship relies on a secure sense of identity, which many emerging adults are still developing, potentially hindering their ability to form a strong and lasting marital bond.
Marital success is also predicted by the degree of similarity between the members of the couple, indicating that shared values, interests, and goals contribute to compatibility and harmony.
Similarity in socioeconomic status, education, religion, and age all contribute to predicting a happy marriage, as couples with similar backgrounds and experiences tend to have more in common and fewer potential sources of conflict.
Spouses reciprocally influence each other and tend to become more similar over a lifetime of marriage in terms of personality, health, and well-being, illustrating the profound impact of long-term partnership on individual development.
The quality of the marital relationship predicts physical and mental health and well-being, including lower mortality risk, in both men and women in all marriages, regardless of sexual orientation, underscoring the protective effects of a strong and supportive marital bond.
Cisgender men in different-sex marriages tend to report being happier with their marriages than women, although the difference is typically small and may be influenced by factors such as gender roles and expectations.
Dual-earner couples who perceive themselves as equal contributors to household duties tend to divide work most equitably and report the highest levels of satisfaction, highlighting the importance of fairness and shared responsibility in maintaining marital harmony.
Very unequal divisions of labor predict marital instability and dissolution, underscoring the detrimental effects of perceived inequity on relationship satisfaction and longevity.
Perceived equity (feeling that responsibilities are distributed fairly) is more important than actual equity in determining marital satisfaction for all couples, regardless of sexual orientation, but especially for women in different-sex marriages, emphasizing the subjective nature of fairness and its impact on relationship dynamics.
Marriage in Late Adulthood
As work and childrearing demands decline, marital satisfaction tends to increase from middle adulthood through late adulthood, reflecting a shift in priorities and a renewed focus on companionship and intimacy.
Compared with middle-aged adults, older adults perceive more positive characteristics and fewer negative characteristics in their partners, suggesting a tendency to idealize their spouses and focus on the positive aspects of the relationship.
Older married adults tend to view their spouses through rose-colored glasses, and viewing one's spouse positively predicts marital satisfaction, underscoring the importance of positive perceptions and appreciation in maintaining marital happiness.
Marriages in late adulthood are characterized by less conflict, less negativity, and more positive interactions than in early adulthood, indicating a greater level of stability and contentment in the relationship.
Compared to younger couples, older couples show fewer disagreements, tend to discuss disagreements with more respect and humor, and resolve arguments more quickly and constructively with less resulting anger and resentment, demonstrating more adaptive conflict resolution strategies.
A variety of factors contribute to the rise in marital satisfaction over the adult years:
A lifetime of shared experiences, such as raising families, navigating crises, and building memories together, brings couples closer, fostering a deep sense of connection and shared history.
Couples' goals change from raising children to seeking companionship, as they prioritize spending quality time together and enjoying each other's company.
Adults are no longer faced with the challenges of balancing childrearing and career, allowing them to devote more time and energy to their relationship.
Retirement is associated with more time together and an increase in marital satisfaction, as couples have more opportunities to pursue shared interests and enjoy leisure activities.
Many women perceive greater fairness in their relationships and greater equity in household tasks, as retired men often take on a greater role in completing household tasks than at earlier periods, contributing to a more balanced and harmonious division of labor.
Research on marital satisfaction in older adulthood nearly exclusively focuses on heterosexual couples, but same-sex couples likely show similar patterns, highlighting the need for more inclusive research that examines the experiences of diverse couples.
Divorce
Divorce was once considered uncommon, carrying significant social stigma and legal barriers; however, societal attitudes and laws have evolved over time, leading to increased rates of divorce.
During the 1960s, the divorce rate more than doubled in many Western nations, reflecting changing social norms, increased economic independence for women, and the rise of no-fault divorce laws.
In the United States, the divorce rate increased during the 1970s, peaked in the early 1980s (5.3 divorces per 1,000 people), and declined to 2.3 in 2020, indicating a complex interplay of factors influencing marital stability.
Most U.S. marriages that end in divorce do so within the first 10 years, suggesting that the early years of marriage are particularly vulnerable to stress and conflict.
By 45 years of age, over one-third of men and women have been divorced, underscoring the prevalence of divorce as a life event and its impact on individuals and families.
Predictors
Couples who are older and who share similarities in demographics, interests, personality, and values are more likely to have successful marriages, highlighting the importance of compatibility and shared characteristics in fostering marital stability.
Poor education, economic disadvantage, and the experience of multiple life stressors and role overload are associated with heightened risk for divorce, indicating the detrimental effects of socioeconomic challenges and chronic stress on marital well-being.
Adults who have experienced their parents' divorce may themselves be more prone to divorce, potentially due to learned patterns of relationship behavior, emotional challenges, or a more accepting attitude toward divorce.
Adult children of divorced families may have poor coping and conflict resolution skills, experience more stress and conflict in their relationships, and be less able or willing to resolve differences, contributing to a higher risk of marital instability.
The couple's communication and problem-solving style predicts divorce, emphasizing the critical role of effective communication and conflict resolution skills in maintaining marital satisfaction and stability.
Negative interaction patterns and difficulty regulating discussions predict later divorce even in newlyweds who report high marital satisfaction, underscoring the importance of addressing communication issues early in the relationship.
These patterns are often evident before marriage, suggesting that premarital counseling and communication skills training may be beneficial in preventing future marital problems.
During conflict, troubled couples often experience negative emotions that are overwhelming and that interfere with their connection to their partner, creating a cycle of negativity that is difficult to break.
Unable to effectively resolve differences, when one member of the couple raises a concern, the other may retreat, reacting with anger, resentment, and defensiveness, creating a negative cycle and hindering constructive problem-solving.
Disagreements over finances are particularly strong predictors of divorce, highlighting the significant impact of financial stress and differing financial values on marital stability.
Adjustment
Divorce is a stressful process, often involving conflict, physical separation, moving, distributing property, and child-custody negotiations, creating significant emotional and practical challenges for all involved.
Regardless of who initiates a divorce, all family members experience stress and a range of emotions, such as anger, despair, embarrassment, shame, failure, and sometimes relief, underscoring the complex emotional landscape of divorce.
Recently divorced adults are prone to depression; loneliness; anxiety; an increase in risky behaviors such as drug and alcohol use; promiscuous sexual activity; and poor eating, sleeping, and working habits, highlighting the psychological and behavioral consequences of divorce.
Divorce is associated with decreased life satisfaction, heightened risk for a range of illnesses, and even a 20% to 30% increase in early mortality, underscoring the significant impact of divorce on physical and mental health.
Spouses in very low-quality relationships may experience divorce as a relief and show increased life satisfaction afterward, indicating that divorce can be a positive turning point for individuals in unhappy or abusive marriages.
People vary in their experiences of divorce, with the majority experiencing negative effects, while a minority may experience positive outcomes or resilience.
Although life satisfaction tends to plummet during the divorce itself, it gradually rises afterward, suggesting that individuals typically adapt and recover over time.
Most people are resilient and fare well, especially after the initial adjustment, demonstrating the human capacity for adaptation and recovery in the face of adversity.
Divorce is thought to be more harmful to women's health than to that of men because it tends to represent a greater economic loss for women, often including a loss of housing and health insurance, highlighting the gendered impact of divorce on financial stability and well-being.
Women who successfully navigate the transition through divorce tend to exhibit positive long-term outcomes, becoming more tolerant, self-reliant, and nonconforming, and embracing the increased autonomy and self-sufficiency demanded by divorce.
Overall, approximately 40% of new marriages involve remarriage of one or both partners, indicating the prevalence of remarriage as a pathway to renewed companionship and commitment.
Women are more likely to express a lack of interest in remarrying (54%) compared to men (30%), potentially reflecting differing priorities, experiences, or perceptions of marriage.
Men tend to remarry more quickly after divorce than women, suggesting differing societal expectations or individual motivations related to remarriage.
Divorce represents an opportunity for growth and development, and adaptive outcomes following divorce appear to be the norm, rather than the exception, highlighting the potential for personal transformation and resilience in the aftermath of divorce.
Late Adulthood
Couples over the age of 65 are less likely to divorce than younger couples, potentially due to a greater investment in the relationship, a longer shared history, or a reluctance to disrupt established routines and financial arrangements.
However, the "gray divorce" rate has doubled since 1990, indicating an increasing trend of divorce among older adults, driven by factors such as changing expectations, increased longevity, and a desire for personal fulfillment.
Older adults report divorcing because of poor communication, emotional detachment, and a lack of shared interests, highlighting the importance of maintaining emotional intimacy and connection throughout the lifespan.
Adults in long-term marriages may find it more challenging to adjust to divorce than younger adults, potentially due to the disruption of established patterns, the loss of a long-term companion, or the need to navigate unfamiliar social and financial landscapes.
Divorce poses financial challenges for older couples because accumulated assets must be divided, and financial security in retirement is at risk, underscoring the importance of financial planning and awareness of legal rights during divorce proceedings.
Divorced women face greater financial and emotional difficulties than divorced men, potentially due to factors such as lower retirement savings, reduced earning potential, and increased caregiving responsibilities.
Rates of remarriage decline in older adulthood, reflecting changing priorities, a desire for independence, or concerns about financial security or caregiving responsibilities.
Adults, particularly older men, remarry after divorce, seeking companionship, emotional support, or assistance with household tasks or caregiving.
Single women, whether by divorce or widowhood, are less likely to marry than men, potentially due to a smaller pool of available partners, concerns about financial independence, or a desire to maintain their autonomy.
When adults remarry, their unions tend to be more stable than those of younger people, potentially due to greater maturity, clearer expectations, or a stronger commitment to making the relationship work.
Many older adults choose cohabitation over remarriage, valuing the companionship and intimacy of a committed relationship without the legal and financial entanglements of marriage.
Childbearing and Family Constellations
Families play a crucial role in shaping our development, providing socialization, emotional support, and guidance throughout the lifespan.
Families can take many forms, reflecting diverse cultural norms, individual preferences, and societal changes, underscoring the importance of recognizing and valuing different family structures.
Childbearing
Having children was once viewed as an inevitable part of adult life, but changing societal norms, effective birth control methods, and evolving cultural perspectives on parenthood and childlessness have transformed childbearing into a conscious choice.
Childbearing rates have declined in most industrialized nations, reflecting a shift toward smaller family sizes and increased emphasis on personal and professional goals.
In the 1950s, the average number of children born to a woman in the United States was 3.8; today it is 1.8, indicating a significant decrease in fertility rates over time.
The average number of children is even lower for many industrialized nations, including Canada (1.6), Germany (1.5), and Japan (1.4), highlighting the global trend toward smaller families.
In contrast, birth rates are significantly higher in developing nations such as Niger (6.9), Chad (5.6), and Afghanistan (4.7), reflecting cultural norms, socioeconomic factors, and access to reproductive health services.
While most married adults still become parents, they are doing so later in life than ever before, as young adults prioritize education, career development, and financial stability before starting a family.
The average age at which U.S. women give birth has increased over the past 3 decades, from 21.4 in 1970 to 27.1 in 2020, reflecting a growing trend toward delayed childbearing.
Women who postpone childbearing to their mid-30s are at increased risk for experiencing fertility difficulties, underscoring the importance of considering age-related fertility decline in family planning decisions.
Becoming a Parent
Approximately 45% of all pregnancies in the United States are unintended, highlighting the need for increased access to contraception, comprehensive sex education, and support for responsible family planning.
North American adults cite a variety of reasons for wanting to have children, including experiencing the unique parent-child bond, fostering growth and learning, creating fun and memorable experiences, and contributing to the development of a productive member of society.
Common disadvantages of parenthood include the perceived loss of freedom and the high cost of raising a child, reflecting the significant lifestyle changes and financial commitments associated with parenthood.
Many new parents report feeling unprepared for their infants' constant needs, underscoring the importance of pre- and postnatal education and support to help parents navigate the challenges of early parenthood.
New caregiving responsibilities are accompanied by added housework, financial demands, loss of sleep, decreased physical activity, and diminished leisure time, leading to increased stress and strain on new parents.
These pressures are associated with a reduced sense of well-being, self-esteem, and self-control, and even depression, highlighting the potential impact of parenthood on mental health and overall quality of life.
Women are more likely to experience declines in well-being, while men tend to show more positive well-being outcomes over time, potentially reflecting differing gender roles, expectations, and support networks.
A study of Swiss parents found that it was not the first child but a second child that was associated with declines in mothers' life satisfaction, suggesting that the challenges of balancing multiple children and competing demands may be particularly stressful.
The challenges of new parenthood are accompanied by rewards, such as experiencing a greater sense of meaning in life and witnessing the growth and development of their child, contributing to overall fulfillment and purpose.
The parenthood transition places stress on even the best of relationships and marriages, requiring couples to adapt, communicate effectively, and support each other during this significant life change.
Parenthood is associated with sudden declines in marital satisfaction for both partners in same-sex and opposite-sex relationships, highlighting the importance of maintaining relationship quality and intimacy during the transition to parenthood.
Nonmarital Childbearing
About 40% of infants in the United States are born to unmarried mothers each year, representing a significant increase from 28% in 1990, reflecting changing societal norms and attitudes toward nonmarital childbearing.
More single professional women in their 30s have become single parents by choice, opting to have children without a partner through adoption, assisted reproductive technology, or other means, reflecting a growing trend toward single motherhood as a deliberate choice.
Nonmarital childbearing is most common among women who have not attended college, highlighting the correlation between education level and family structure, potentially due to socioeconomic factors and access to reproductive health services.
Unmarried non-cohabitating mothers in the United States tend to have less education and are more likely to live at or near the poverty level, underscoring the economic challenges faced by single mothers and their children.
Two-thirds of nonmarital births occur to couples who live together in a cohabiting union but are not married, reflecting the increasing prevalence of cohabitation as a family structure and the blurring lines between marriage and cohabitation in childbearing decisions.
Childlessness
Approximately 15% of U.S. women ages 40 to 44 have not given birth to any children, reflecting a growing trend of childlessness due to various factors such as career aspirations, financial considerations, infertility, or personal choice.
In many cases, childlessness is involuntary, resulting from infertility or the postponement of parenthood due to career goals or financial constraints, highlighting the emotional challenges and potential disappointment associated with involuntary childlessness.
Some adults are childless by choice-or childfree-making a conscious decision not to have children due to personal values, lifestyle preferences, or philosophical beliefs.
Common reasons for choosing childlessness include:
The desire for flexibility and freedom from child care responsibilities, allowing individuals to pursue personal interests, travel, or focus on career advancement.
The pursuit of career aspirations, recognizing the potential impact of parenthood on career trajectories and work-life balance.
Economic security, acknowledging the financial costs associated with raising children and prioritizing financial stability and independence.
Environmental reasons, expressing concerns about global overpopulation, resource depletion, and the environmental impact of raising children.
Desires to preserve marital satisfaction, recognizing the potential stress and strain that parenthood can place on marital relationships.
High levels of education and income are consistently associated with childlessness in women, potentially reflecting career opportunities, access to contraception, and changing societal norms.
Women and men who are voluntarily childless tend to be less religious and more assertive, independent, and self-reliant than their peers, demonstrating personality traits and values that may influence their decision to remain childless.
These attributes likely shape their adjustment throughout life, fostering resilience, adaptability, and a strong sense of self-identity.
Adults who are childless by choice tend to be just as content with their lives as those who are parents, indicating that childlessness does not necessarily lead to lower levels of well-being or fulfillment.
Involuntary childlessness, however, is associated with life dissatisfaction in both men and women, ranging from ambivalence to regret and deep disappointment, underscoring the emotional toll of infertility and unfulfilled desires for parenthood.
These feelings may be exacerbated by self-blame, rumination, and catastrophizing, highlighting the importance of addressing emotional needs and providing support to individuals experiencing involuntary childlessness.
Social context also matters, as the extent to which childlessness is associated with lower psychological well-being appears to be linked to the degree to which a country and culture's norms are tolerant toward childlessness.
One-Parent Families
Approximately one-quarter of U.S. children under age 18 live with one parent, most commonly with their mother, reflecting the increasing prevalence of single-parent families due to factors such as divorce, separation, or nonmarital childbearing.
Black children are disproportionately likely to live in a one-parent home with their mother (46% compared with 26% of Hispanic, 15% of non-Hispanic white, and 11% of Asian American children), highlighting racial and ethnic disparities in family structure.
There are various pathways to creating a one-parent family, including divorce, death of a parent, or having never married, each presenting unique challenges and circumstances for the parent and child.
Some children in single-parent families show more physical, mental health, and behavioral problems, while others demonstrate similar emotional and behavioral adjustment as those reared in two-parent homes, indicating the wide range of outcomes associated with single parenthood.
These diverse findings may be related to the parenting stress that can accompany single parenthood, particularly in low socioeconomic contexts, highlighting the importance of providing support and resources to single parents.
Children in single-mother homes, regardless of ethnicity, are disproportionately likely to live in poverty, underscoring the economic challenges faced by single-mother families and the need for policies and programs that support their financial stability.
Differences in adjustment between children raised by one or two parents are relatively small, and the majority of children raised in one-parent homes are well-adjusted, challenging negative stereotypes and highlighting the resilience of children in single-parent families.
Greater differences exist among children within single-parent homes than between children in single-parent homes and two-parent homes, emphasizing the importance of considering individual factors such as parenting quality, socioeconomic status, and child temperament in understanding child outcomes.
Women are increasingly becoming single parents by choice, opting to raise children without a partner through adoption, assisted reproductive technology, or other means, reflecting a growing trend toward single motherhood as a conscious decision.
Children reared by single-by-choice parents tend to live in higher socioeconomic homes than other children reared by single parents, and they tend to experience positive adjustment and few problems, highlighting the benefits of economic stability and planned single parenthood for child outcomes.
Frequently, a parent's cohabiting partner also occupies the home, with social, caregiving, and financial implications for the child, underscoring the complexity of family dynamics in single-parent households and the potential role of cohabiting partners in childrearing.
Cohabiting Families
There are diverse types of families, and not all are formed through marriage, reflecting the evolving nature of family structures and the increasing acceptance of nonmarital unions.
An estimated 40% of children will spend some time in a cohabiting-parent family before they reach age 12, highlighting the prevalence of cohabitation as a family structure and its potential impact on child development.
Unmarried cohabiting couples tend to have shorter, less stable relationships than married couples, underscoring the differences in commitment, stability, and legal protections between cohabiting and marital unions.
Compared to children of married parents, children living in cohabiting households are much more likely to be exposed to family instability, including parental separation, conflict in the home, and transitions in family life, all of which influence their adjustment
Siblings offer opportunities to learn and practice helping and other prosocial behavior (Hughes et al.,
2018). Older siblings who display positive emotional responsiveness promote preschoolers’ emotional
and social competence. Children with siblings tend to develop a theory of mind earlier than those
without siblings (Kramer, 2014) (Chapter 7). The perspective-taking and cognitive skills that comprise
theory of mind promote emotional understanding and prosocial behavior. We know less about sibling
relationships in adolescence, but, like in childhood, affectionate sibling relationships predict prosocial
behavior in adolescence (Harper et al., 2016).
Peers