Notes on Ireland and Neo-Secularisation Theory

Ireland and Neo-Secularisation Theory

Abstract

The paper introduces the concept of neo-secularisation theory as a more adaptable framework for analyzing religious changes in specific socio-geographic areas, particularly in Ireland. It uses macro, mezzo, and micro-level analyses to understand the changing religious landscape, drawing on quantitative and qualitative data.

Introduction

Secularisation theory, despite being widely debated, offers valuable components for understanding religious change. This paper employs neo-secularisation theory to assess religious shifts in Ireland, a country that remains largely religious but is experiencing changes in its religious field. The central question is to what extent secularisation theory can inform our understanding of these changes, with the argument that neo-secularisation theory provides greater empirical applicability and analytical scope.

The paper clarifies the claims of the secularisation thesis, defines key terms, differentiates between levels of analysis (macro, mezzo, micro), and emphasizes the need for contextualisation of the concept. It examines how secularisation at the social level undermines traditional beliefs while behavioral changes lag, utilizing the 'contagion model of religious change.' The concept of 'socio-cultural Christianity' is explored to predict future trends for the Catholic Church in Ireland. These points are tested against the Irish case to demonstrate that social change leads to religious change, not necessarily decline or revival, concluding with the idea of 'à la carte' Catholicism influenced by shifts in world view, Church authority, and individualism.

Secularisation Theory

'Secularisation' refers to the decline of religion's influence in social and individual life, linked to urbanisation, education, and individualism. Bellah (1971) traces its origins to the Enlightenment's reaction against Christian religious tradition, which emphasized orthodox belief over reason. Luckmann (1983) views secularisation as a myth, while Hadden (1987) criticises its evolutionary model of modernisation. Others (e.g., Crippen, Glasner, Greeley, Martin, Stark, and Bainbridge) highlight religion's persistence through new religious movements and fundamentalisms. Despite criticisms, secularisation theory remains relevant, with some proponents acknowledging its uneven application across societies (Berger, Lechner, Wilson). Some see secularisation as a complex process involving both decline and anti-secularising tendencies (Campbell, Fenn, Martin).

Tschannen’s (1991) systematisation identifies three core elements of secularisation: differentiation, rationalisation, and worldliness. Dobbelaere (1999) examined the consequences of functional differentiation on the macro, mezzo, and micro levels of the religious field.

Wilson (1982: 149) defines secularisation as the loss of social significance by religious institutions, actions, and consciousness. He explains how industrialisation and urbanisation alter perceptions of meaning and lifestyles, with the state forming part of the public sphere and religion being relegated to the private sphere, functioning for individuals (Wilson 1982: 46, 151). Similarly, Berger (1992: 107) sees secularisation as the removal of sectors of society and culture from religious domination. While acknowledging the role of modernisation, industrialisation, and urbanisation, he notes secularity in pre-modern contexts and religious reaffirmation in the Islamic world, suggesting 'pluralisation theory' as an explanation for religion's position in modern pluralistic societies (Berger 1992: 28, 32).

Secularisation includes the decay of churches' influence, decreased interest in religious explanations, replacement of religious values with rational ones, and declining attendance at religious services. Rational choice theory views religious behavior as rationally chosen, based on a cost-benefit analysis. Stark and Bainbridge (1996) argue that religious commitment rests on an exchange relationship between believers and their god, driven by self-interest (Jerolmack and Porpora 2004). Lee (1992: 27) applies Homans’ learning theory to religious behavior, rationalising motivations behind religious switching and adherence. Bruce (1993: 205) criticises rational choice approaches, suggesting they only work in societies where religion is no longer significant.

Neo-Secularisation Theory

Two main schools of thought on secularisation exist: the 'inherited model' (Wilson 1985), which attributes changes in religious belief and practice to broader social, political, and economic processes; and the 'religious economies' model, which links religious pluralism to religious mobilisation (Iannaccone 1991; Land, Dean and Blau 1991). Chaves (1994) and Yamane (1997) propose a compromise, the 'neosecularisation thesis,' arguing that secularization is best understood as the declining scope of religious authority rather than the decline of religion itself (Chaves 1994: 750). They view society as an 'interinstitutional system' where religion is just one institutional sphere, shifting focus from religion's integrating potential to the decreasing scope of religious authority (Chaves 1994: 751).

Chaves (1994: 753) acknowledges Wilson's recognition of declining religious authority but argues that Wilson focuses only on the societal level of change, failing to examine individual effects. Chaves (1994: 754) also recognises Dobbelaere's emphasis on the individual level but disagrees with Dobbelaere's assumption that religious organisations and individuals react to structural differentiation. Chaves (1994) and Yamane (1997) propose studying religion's social significance on all levels through the conceptualisation of religious authority.

Chaves (1994: 755–6) defines religious authority structure as a social structure that controls access to desired goods by using a language of the supernatural to legitimise its control. Secularisation, therefore, is the fading influence of social structures whose legitimation rests on the supernatural. Neo-secularisation theory prioritises interaction between institutions and spheres of society. The theory entails contextualisation, examination of different levels of analysis, and a particular understanding of secularisation processes. By considering geographic and social areas, and distinguishing between micro, mezzo, and macro levels, secularisation is understood as a process of changing control exercised by religious authority. Yamane (1997: 115) views secularisation as 'the declining sphere of influence of religious authority structures' on societal, organisational, and individual levels.

More precisely, according to Chaves (1994: 757):

Secularization at the societal level may be understood as the declining capacity of religious elites to exercise authority over other institutional spheres. Secularization at the organizational level may be understood as religious authority’s declining control over the organizational resources within religious sphere. And secularisation at the individual level may be understood as the decrease in the extent to which individual actions are subject to religious control.

Macro-Societal Level of Analysis

On the macro level, sociologists analyze the differentiation that has shaped social structures since the Industrial and French Revolutions. Luckmann (1967) discusses the influence of institutional differentiation on the religious field, where religion becomes one subsystem among many, with a narrower scope of influence. Berger (1967, 1992) and Luckmann (1979, 1983) argue that differentiation and autonomisation of the secular sphere lead to 'privatisation of religion' because religion does not fit into modern, rational organizations.

Neo-secularisation theory views institutional differentiation not as a 'top-down' process but as a relational process where religious elites widen their authority over other institutions, leading to interinstitutional tension and adjustment. In Ireland, differentiation is relatively new. In the 20th century, the Catholic Church had a dominant social and political position due to post-famine trauma and economic restructuring that relied on religious adherence for social control. The Church's emphasis on virtues like chastity secured its symbolic power and marked ethno-national distinction from colonial establishment (Nic Ghiolla 1995: 595; Inglis 1998).

Catholicism and nationalism became intertwined in Irish political culture. As Corish (1996: 139) notes, it has proved difficult not to be a Catholic in Ireland, for fear of losing one’s national identity. The Church's influence extended to political, educational, health, and personal spheres, including sexual behavior and marriage, and the Catholic nuns established hospitals and 'homes' (Inglis 1998: 62). Secularising tendencies emerged from the late 1950s. Corish (1996) identifies 1958 as the turning point, with the Irish government's Programme for Economic Expansion driving economic development and societal changes (Corish 1996: 156).

Institutional differentiation between religious and secular spheres is a main process behind secularisation. State gradually separated from, with Church relegated to the back seat in political and economic decisions but retaining symbolic influence through education. Inglis (2007a: 212) notes that Catholicism remains a part of cultural heritage and identity, serving as a source of emotional belonging. The seeping of religious authority into various areas of life reflects low societal and individual secularisation until the 1970s. Chaves (1994: 760) explains that societies with low societal-level secularisation have institutions like education, science, and the state directly influenced by religious authority.

Neo-secularisation theory focuses on the changing influence of religious authority, positioning the Church as an institution making claims to power legitimised by reference to the supernatural, but its becomes obsolete when other institutions' claims rises. Keogh (2007) traces power struggles between Church and State elites from the 1950s, with the State's reforms, relaxation of censorship, and entry into the EEC reflecting attempts to align with liberal Western neighbors. The Second Vatican Council's recommendations caused both conservative and liberal generations within the Church to take different stands (Keogh 2007: 112). The reformers welcomed the amendment of Article 44 of the Irish Constitution (Keogh 2007: 114). Intra-institutional processes of change affected the ways religious authority reshaped.

Industrialisation, linked to liberal ideas, was advocated in Ireland since the 1960s, with attempts to include the Irish economy into a world economy. Until recently, Ireland was characterised by a modern economic and social structure and a traditional cultural sphere (Gibbons 1988; O’Mahony and Delanty 1998). migration to the cities, development of the media, and mass-travelling undermined local priests' power. Television modernised Irish lives and contributed to an 'alternative, popular, consumerist culture' (Fuller 2004: 130). Public expression of views replaced sacramental confession (Nic Ghiolla 1995: 597). Confession rates dropped significantly. Public confessions differed from the sacramental with attention on issues such as child sexual abuse (Nic Ghiolla 1995: 597).

The idea of 'privatisation of religion' in Ireland does not accurately describe the process of religious change; it is a loosening of hegemonic presence, driven by utilitarian rationality brought about by social and economic changes. European Values Study (EVS) data supports this claim, showing a loss of confidence in the Church to advise in matters of morality, family life, and social issues. Distrust for the churches’ guidance increased between 1981 and 1999. Andersen and Lavan (2007: 194–5) conclude that 'the drop in confidence in the Church in Ireland cannot be seen to be a reflection of a general drop in institutional confidence'.

Mezzo-Organisational Level of Analysis

The mezzo level examines the position and role of institutions and religious bodies in society, focusing on how pluralisation affects the religious market (Martin 1978). As subsystems differentiate and ideas pluralise, religious pluralism emerges, and competition between religious groups may dilute religious messages (Berger 1967). New Religious Movements (NRMs) emerge as a product of relativisation and the loss of established churches’ power (Stark W. 1967; Wallis 1978; Stark and Bainbridge 1985).

Differentiation is new in Ireland but fast-developing, adversely affecting the Catholic Church. Political party members distanced themselves from the Church. Following the Ferns Report in 2005, there were calls to end the 'special relationship' between Church and State. Ending Church control of primary schools remains the last bastion of its hegemonic power.

Neo-secularisation theory examines the Church's religious authority from the point of its intra-institutional processes and the maintaining balance between references to the supernatural and this-worldly position. Variations exist in elites' propensity for change, competition, and conflict. The power of individual actors within the Church reflects the power of the universal Catholic Church, the Irish Catholic Church, and local parishes. Directives from Rome are open to interpretation. During Archbishop McQuaid, a more literal reading of the Vatican’s directives was employed, and state was not to be trusted (Keogh 2007: 112). Successive appointments of Cardinal William Conway, Professor Dermot Ryan and Eamon Casey reflected change. The establishment of Episcopal Commissions and Catholic media reflected the change. Physical and symbolic connections between the centre and periphery affected optimism at the parish level. Women would find sympathetic confessors amongst parish priest (Hilliard 2003: 38).

Micro-Individual Level of Analysis

The weakening of religious authority, modernisation, and urbanisation have led to a re-definition of values and world-view. substantial age differences in service attendance, tenets of Catholicism, and Church influence of individuals rises as one becomes older(EVS data for 1981, 1990 and 1999). Younger generations are more rational and question more (Luckmann 1967). Dowling and Inglis refer to 'Distant Catholics' and 'Individualist Catholics,' who identify as Catholic but do not follow fundamental teachings, although they retain ritualistic aspects.

EVS findings show males' weekly attendance decreased from 61 to 47 per cent and women from 34 to 20 per cent. Younger cohort decreased attendance in the period. Inglis (2007a: 214–15) discusses 'Creative Catholics' whose beliefs are an amalgamation of preferred items. A drop in confession levels, attendance at mass, and distancing from the Church’s teachings reflects dissociation of Catholics from mediators.

Belief in life after death is very strong for all groups, belief in heaven is also strongly presented. Only about half of all respondents believed in hell. Inglis (2007b, 2007c) mention Irish Catholics mirror Protestants. The micro level of secularisation also deals with unbelief (Berger 1967), decrease of Church religiosity and decline in church attendance (Martin 1978), as well as issues of individualisation (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan et al. 1985; Inglis 2007b).

Institutions detraditionalize world views with churches undergoing a response for a change within their social and political spheres (Dobbelaere 1999: 236). Loss of Church authority, a pluralistic religious market, and individualisation contributed to individual re-composition of beliefs. A Christian notion of a personal God is undermined by impersonal modern life (Wilson 1982). This is cause to witnessing growth of the so-called 'unchurched population' (Dobbelaere and Jagodzinski 1995).

Belief in a personal God is in decline (EVS data). 'Watershed model' (Inglehart 1990) claims each new generation would be less religious than the previous one. Behavioural change lags behind change in beliefs. EVS data shows that the younger generation that are less religious still pray quite regularly and agree with religious traditions. This is 'contagion model of religious change' (Dobbelaere and Jagodzinski 1995).

The Future of the Churches in Ireland

Societal secularisation leads to individual secularisation, changing perception to media and life. Churches face the choice to adapt or replace specific beliefs (Dobbelaere 1988, Dobbelaere and Voye 1990). Churches can re-emerge as institutions focused on improving the quality of life in Irish society, or resign to the margins of social and political life. The Church needs greater engagement. Breen's analysis (Cassidy 2002) highlights differences in age cohorts. A space will be open when Church exerts some of its religious authority in a cautious manner, attending current social issues.

Recent reports of clerical abuse of children has the religious authority in strain. To meet changing social attitudes, Church needs to adopt an attitude of socio-cultural Christianity and invest in through training its personnel.

Summary and Conclusions

This article focused on secularisation and its manifestation on macro, mezzo, and micro levels, leading to dissociation from religious organizations. Age differences are apparent in beliefs, service attendance, and the Church's ability to satisfy personal, family, and moral needs. The 'contagion model' best illustrates behavioral change lagging behind beliefs.

Secularisation theory cannot successfully explain changes in Ireland because:

1. It implies industrialisation, modernisation, and urbanisation are the main agents of social change, which is problematic in the Irish context due to limited industrialisation, slow modernisation, and recent urbanisation. The Church's authority also encompassed both public and private sectors.
2. Secularisation implies changes over centuries, whereas the separation between religious and secular spheres is recent in Ireland. Neo-secularisation theory corrects this by accounting for time and place variations and examines how individual actions are influenced by religious authority.
3. The Catholic Church's influence steeply declined over the past decades, remnants of Catholicism exist in public and private spheres. Being Catholic is at the core of the social world (Inglis 2007a). Analysis reveals that in Ireland there is religion but little religious authority.