Imperialism in Britain, 1880–1902: Popularity and Debate (Notes)

Overview

• Central question: to what extent was imperialism a popular policy in Britain from $1880$ to $1902$?
• The lecture proceeds by outlining traditional interpretations, then challenges to those views, and finally offers a more nuanced approach to assessing popularity.

Traditional view: imperialism becomes more popular over time (1880s–1890s)

• Gladstone vs Disraeli: Liberal Prime Minister William Gladstone comes to power in the period $1880$, replacing Conservative Benjamin Disraeli.

• Gladstone’s rise linked to a broader shift in politics: he recognized the value of public speaking and mobilizing the electorate as voting expanded due to Reform Acts.

• Midlothian speeches (1879) in Scotland: Gladstone campaigned against Britain's engagement in the Anglo-Afghan War and other colonial wars, arguing that Britain had "no business to take these engagements when our hands were full."

• The early part of the period is sometimes read as evidence that empire popularity was low at the outset and then grew over time.

• Sources of rising popular endorsement in the 1880s–90s include:

  • The press: a shift in newspaper tone and the rise of “new journalism” with bigger fonts, shorter headlines, and sharper, more direct stances for/against imperial policy (e.g., Pall Mall Gazette).
  • The link between popular press and patriotism: tabloids and blunter styles tied support for Empire to national pride and to the idea that opposing Empire equated to being un-British.
  • The public role of entertainment: the musical stage as mass entertainment (see next points).

• The Gordon affair (Khartoum, 1884–85) as a pressure point:

  • Lord Gladstone faced pressure to rescue General Charles George Gordon in Khartoum during the siege by the Mahdi.
  • Gladstone initially refused to send another warlike expedition due to cost and risk, yielding to pressure only later.
  • Gordon and his men were killed in January 1885 two days after Wolseley’s relief reached Khartoum; the press labeled Gladstone a murderer (MOG) and public sentiment turned strongly against him; Gladstone resigned in June 1885.
  • The episode is often cited as evidence of popular pro-Empire sentiment and public anger when government hesitated to defend imperial commitments.

• The musical as a cultural barometer:

  • Musicals or “evening reviews” were the main source of entertainment for working and middle classes in the period; in the 1880s there were about $500$ musicals in London alone.
  • These shows often featured songs and performances glorifying Empire and contributed to a cultural climate favorable to imperialist ideas.
  • Songwriters such as G. W. Hunt produced jingoistic material that reinforced pro-Empire attitudes.

• John MacKenzie and the “culture of Empire” view:

  • A leading pro-imperial scholarship position argues that imperial ideas permeated multiple spheres: school textbooks, biscuit tins, novels, and music reflected and reinforced support for Empire.
  • The conventional climactic moment is often identified with the Boer War and the relief of Mafeking, seen as a public triumph and peak of imperial enthusiasm.

• The relief of Mafeking (May 1900):

  • Siege of Mafeking lasted $217$ days; relief by Major-General LORD Roberts’s column, under Baden-Powell, helped end the siege.
  • News of the relief triggered a supposed frenzy of street celebrations and a sense of triumphant popular support for imperial policy.

• Overall claim of traditional view: popular support for imperialism rises across the $1880s$–$1900s$, peaking around the Boer War and Mafeking’s relief in $1900$.

Problems with the straightforward “rising popularity” interpretation

• Key methodological issue: having sources that discuss Empire or celebrate it does not necessarily mean broad public agreement or endorsement.

• Bernard Porter’s critique (summarized):

  • He argues there are few Empire-related sources in the late 19th century and that even when present, they do not guarantee acceptance by the public.
  • The lecture concedes the debate is nuanced: the volume of sources is not proof of belief, but it also argues against Porter's emphasis on scarcity.

• The logic problem: presence of imperialist content does not equal popular consent

  • Contemporary analogies: watching a controversial show (e.g., Big Brother) or commentator (e.g., Jeremy Clarkson) does not imply endorsement of every opinion expressed.
  • Similarly, people could consume pro-Empire messages without fully agreeing with them.

• The role of opposition and alternative voices before the Labour Party

  • There were prominent critics of Empire on the left, suggesting that imperialism was not universally popular.
  • William Morris and the Socialist League (founded 1885) argued that workers might be exploited by imperial expansion for capitalist profit.
  • Morris’s stance (1893) emphasizes that even a “jingoist” call could appeal to the mass of non-political people, potentially masking workers’ interests.
  • Morris’s quoted line: "The truth is, any approach to jingoism, however feeble, is certain to be popular with the whole mass of non-political people, i.e., about 999 out of the thousand who, though non-political, do nevertheless vote on occasion." (1893)

• The significance of opposition for interpretation:

  • The existence of anti-imperial voices suggests that imperial policy was contested and not universally popular.
  • The Labour movement’s rise at the turn of the century further complicates the simple narrative of rising popular support.

• Bottom line of the critique:

  • Popular culture and propaganda do not automatically translate into broad political consensus or durable support for imperial policy.
  • We should be cautious about inferring public opinion from elite rhetoric, cultural products, or isolated incidents.

Key figures, terms, and concepts to know

• Midlothian speeches (1879): Gladstone’s public campaign against imperial wars and his broader critique of imperial engagements.
• Anglo-Afghan War (1878–1880): a context for Gladstone’s anti-war stance during his campaigns.
• Mahdi and the siege of Khartoum (1884–1885): a watershed imperial crisis influencing public opinion and leadership decisions.
• General Sir Garnet Wolseley: led the relief expedition to Khartoum.
• General Gordon: killed in Khartoum; symbol of imperial sacrifice and public pressure.
• GOM → MOG: nickname shift reflecting public anger toward Gladstone.
• Mafeking siege (1899–1900): key Boer War episode often cited as a peak of popular imperial sentiment.
• Lord Roberts and Baden-Powell: relief of Mafeking and later notable historical figures.
• Bernard Porter: historian who critiques the inference from sources to belief.
• William Morris and the Socialist League (founded 1885): anti-imperial socialist critique.
• The phrase "The truth is, any approach to jingoism…" from Morris (1893): exemplifies socialist critique of imperial popular sentiment.
• New journalism (1880s): press style change with bigger fonts, blunt language, and direct stance on imperial issues; linked to patriotic sentiments.
• John MacKenzie: pro-imperial scholarship emphasizing culture of empire across society.
• Boer War: a focal point of the popular-imperial narrative.

Analytical takeaways: how to interpret popularity

• Popular culture and opinion may cohere with imperial policy but do not prove general acceptance.
• Opposition voices (Socialists, Labour activists) show that imperialism had significant detractors and that policy support was not monolithic.
• The timing and framing of imperial crises (Khartoum, Mafeking) can shape perceptions of popularity, but causality is complex.
• A nuanced assessment needs to weigh multiple lines of evidence: political speeches, press culture, entertainment, public opinion, and organized political opposition.

Connections to broader themes and foundational principles

• The difference between elite policy choices and popular support: responsive politics vs. mass persuasion.
• The role of media and culture in shaping political attitudes: propaganda, entertainment, and “soft power.”
• The ethical and political implications of imperialism: economic motives (profit) vs. nationalist ideology vs. humanitarian justifications; debates about workers’ interests vs imperial expansion.
• Methodological caution: avoid assuming belief from exposure; seek corroborating evidence from multiple independent sources (votes, party platforms, grassroots movements).

Notable quotes and numerical benchmarks (for quick recall)

• Gladstone’s claim on engagements: "no business to take these engagements when our hands were full".
• Morris (1893) on popular jingoism: "The truth is, any approach to jingoism, however feeble, is certain to be popular with the whole mass of non-political people, i.e., about 999 out of the thousand who, though non-political, do nevertheless vote on occasion."
• Mafeking siege duration: $217$ days.
• London musicals in the 1880s: approximately $500$.
• Time frame of the inquiry: from $1880$ to $1902$.
• Mafeking relief occurred in $1900$ (May).

Reflective questions for exam prep

• What are the main arguments for and against the view that imperialism became more popular between $1880$ and $1902$?
• How does the Gordon affair illustrate or complicate the claim of rising imperial popularity?
• In what ways did the rise of new journalism influence public perceptions of empire in the 1880s?
• How do Morris and the Socialist League challenge the idea that imperialism enjoyed broad-based support?
• Why is it insufficient to equate the presence of pro-imperial texts or performances with universal belief or acceptance?
• What methodological cautions should historians apply when measuring “popularity” of a policy like imperialism?

Summary takeaways

• The traditional view suggests a trajectory of increasing imperial popularity from $1880$ to $1902$, driven by media, culture, and notable imperial crises.
• However, the stance that popularity rose linearly is contested by critiques highlighting the complexities of public opinion, the existence of active opposition, and the risk of equating exposure with agreement.
• A robust assessment requires triangulating elite actions, mass culture, and organized political dissent, recognizing that popularity is multi-dimensional and contested.