Kosovo - Paper 1 for History
Timeline -
12th century - Kosovo lies at the heart of the Serbian Empire, under Nemanjić dynasty. Many Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries are built.
28 June, 1389 - Battle of Kosovo. 500 years of Ottoman Rule. Many Serbs start to leave the region. The religious and ethnic balance tips towards Muslims and Albanians.
1689-90 - An Austrian invasion is stopped.
1912-13 - The Balkan Wars. Serbia regains control of Kosovo from the Turks. Albanian is recognised as independent in 1913 by the Treaty of London, Kosovo is given to Serbia.
1918 - Kosovo Becomes part of the Serbian kingdom.
1941 - Much of it becomes part of Italian-Controlled “Greater Albania”.
1946 - Kosovo becomes a part of the Yugoslav Federation.
1960s - Belgrade shows increasing Tolerance for Kosovo’s autonomy.
1974 - The Yugoslav Constitution Recognises Kosovo as autonomous province, giving them a de-facto self-government.
1980 - Tito dies.
1981 - Separatists rioting in the province are suppressed by the troops.
1986 - SANU referendum.
1987 - Slobodan Milošević speaks in Kosovo to Serbs, who were protesting against alleged harassment by the majority Albanian community.
1989 - Milošević strips rights of Autonomy laid down in 1974 constitution.
28 June, 1989 - Milošević speaks at Gazimestan on the battlefield of Kosovo.
1990s - Albanian Crisis
1991 - Unofficial Independence Referendum
1991 - Fall of the USSR
1992 - Rugova elected unoficial president
1992/95 - Bosnian war [In 94 NATO intervenes with strikes]
1996 - KLA founded
1997 - Economical Collapse of Albania, KLA gets weapons
1998 - Prekaz Massacre
1998 - KLA legitimised by the West
1999 - Račak massacre
1999 - March/June - Operation Allied Force
1999 - Russian troops occupy an airport in Pristina
Historians -
Tim Judah (???) - Argued that Milošević was a key trigger for Kosovo Albanian’s declaration of independence! (He abolished Albanian institutions, banned Albanian Media, imposed cultural and economic marginalisation) He highlighted the symbolic power of the killings in Račak in galvanising the international opinions.
Noel Malcolm (structuralist) - stress that independence was a result of long-time forces (centuries of Albanian dissatisfaction, constant oppression by the Serbs). Underscores Rugova’s commitment to democracy and peaceful protest as both a moral and pragmatic strategy during a violent period in the Balkans. !BUT! Some historians/commentators argue that this passive movement was too passive and delayed Kosovo’s independence. Critics contend that his passive stance weakened Kosovo's political leverage internationally. The emergence of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in the mid-1990s is often seen as a reaction to Rugova's perceived ineffectiveness.
Western Humanitarian Perspective of Račak -
Seen as a pivotal baseline for the International Intervention later that year
Some critics say that it was “manipulated to manufacture consent for NATO's military campaign”.
The Role of Ibrahim Rugova as President of Kosovo
International legitimacy
Scholars such as Noel Malcolm and Tim Judah argue that Rugova's Gandhian approach to Serbian repression during the 1990s gave international legitimacy to the Kosovar cause.
Civil society and leadership.
Despite lacking military power, Rugova succeeded in mobilizing civil society, establishing parallel institutions, and keeping international attention on Kosovo's plight.
His election in 2002 under UNMIK supervision is seen as an endorsement of moderate, democratic leadership, crucial for post-war reconstruction and international support.
Criticism of passivity
Some historians and analysts argue that Rugova was too passive and detached to effectively lead Kosovo during its transition to independence.
Critics such as Branislav KrstiÄ and the International Crisis Group (ICG) contend that his leadership style was outdated in the post-1999 era.
His insistence on pacifism and his limited engagement with pressing post-war challenges, including security, ethnic violence, and state-building, left Kosovo vulnerable to instability. This, in turn, empowered more radical figures like Hashim Thaçi and other former KLA leaders.
Causes -
Long time ago - Kosovo has always been separated between the two nations.
Serbians - The land of Kosovo belonged to the Serbian empire in the 12th century.
Albanians - Kosovo was belonging to Albanians during the Ottoman’s empire rule.The Ottoman Empire - it’s decline started the ethnic tensions around Kosovo
Serbians - Kosovo was the cradle of their Orthodox land, it was included in a lot of media and it bared a historical connection to the Serbs. In 1389 the battle of the Kosovo field [Kosovo Polje - Field of Blackbirds] happened, being a very significant event to Serbs, their mythology and identity. Having a deep religious connection and pride over the land, Serbians were claiming Kosovo as theirs based on historical and “connection” claims.
Albanians - For centuries, the majority of the population in Kosovo was Albanian. They had distinct cultural communities, with mostly muslim, but also Orthodox and Christian parts.League of Priznen - Albanian response to the congress in Berlin, through which they demanded autonomy.
Was made to: Unite Albanians, since the congress threatened to spread the Albanian-populated lands, to resist the partition of their lands and resist foreign control.Albanian Nationalism -
Origins in 1980s - it all began with Albanian students of University of Pristina protesting. It started with a peaceful demonstration for better living quality and food quality. However, it quickly grew into a big protest with political demands.
Spread - students became the catalyst, but the movement grew country-wide. Albanians were confused about the political marginalisation and economic hardships.
Yugoslavian response - the Yugoslavian Authorities implied martial law and deployed troops, arresting thousands of people.
Albanian response - Albanians started to build parallel institutions in education, healthcare, and civil society. This provided a national identity sense despite them not being recognised.
Enver Hoxha - Stalinist principles of Hoxha influenced Kosovar Albanians, and influenced what political system they viewed as best. His regime was oppressive with stalinist roots. His politics left the country completely isolated (he called Yugoslavia and USSR “revisionist”, and later broke the relationship with China). Some Kosovar Albanians looked at his Albania for inspiration.Constitutional reforms -
Milošević is in power - He shifts the politics to open Serbian Nationalism, which Tito tried to not show. He turns to major propaganda and mass rallies. He replaced representatives of Montenegro, Kosovo, and Vojvodina with loyalists, saving him 50% of the votes in the federal presidency. This established Serbian dominance in Yugoslavia.
Yogurt revolution - Vojvodina is getting their leadership removed and replaced with a loyalist of Milošević. He used the revolution to say that the autonomous provinces “yearned to come back to their roots”. This became the base for Serbian’s justification for their resurgence.
Trepča miners strike - miners being on strike for Serbia revoking Kosovo’s autonomy. They marched to Pristina, becoming the symbol of Albanian resistance to making Kosovo Serbian.Regression of Albanian independence campaign -
Revocation of Autonomy
Serbia - Implemented harsh control measures to suppress Albanian political expression. Key Albanian leaders were removed. Surveillance, media restriction was expanded by Serbians.
Albania - Symbolically declares Kosovo independent in 1990, secretly meet in Kačanik where they draft a constitution.
Push for Independence
1. Albanian Media was suppressed by the Serbian government. This was made to marginalise Albanians (90% of Kosovo’s people) from their culture. This intensified the resistance.
2. 1991 Unofficial Independence Referendum. Kosovar Albanians organised an unsanctioned independence referendum, seen as the direct response to the Abolition of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989. Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) under Ibrahim Rugova’s leadership oversaw the vote. According to the Albanian sources - over 87% of eligible voters participated, about 99% voted in favour of independence. International community did not recognise the results, but it was seen as a symbolic declaration of self-determination. This also facilitated the “parallel” state with under-ground education and healthcare sponsored by the diaspora.Leaders -
Milošević - Prominent Political Figure
1. His visit to Kosovo Polje in 1987
“No one should dare to beat you” to angry Serbian Demonstrators. This made him a hero overnight, nationalists loved him. This was also caught in the media, of course.
2. Power
He rose to power by appealing to Serbian victimhood.
Once in Power he began to dismantle the federal balance established by Tito. Revoking Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989 he centralised the power in Belgrade. It caused unrest among the Albanians of Kosovo. It later provoked the breakdown in Yugoslavia and eventual wars in Bosnia, Croatia, and eventually - Kosovo.
3. SANU
Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts drafted a controversial SANU memorandum in 1986. It reflected a growing frustration among Serbian intellectuals about the position of Serbs in the Yugoslav Federation. Claimed that Serbia, Bosnia, and Croatia were politically marginalised, and even the victims of genocide. The memorandum claimed that 1974 Yugoslav Constitution was not beneficial, as decentralisation weakened Serbian’s unity and strength. Even if the Yugoslav Authorities denounced the document, Milošević later used the ideas from it in a lot of his speeches.
Rugova - Face of LDK/Representer of independence
1. Non-violent nationalism.
He advocated for non-violent political resistance, and built parallel structures for education, healthcare, and civil governance through the 1990s.
2. Maintaining stability.
Over the Bosnian War his leadership helped Kosovo to maintain stable. But internationally he was sidelined when in 1995 during the Dayton Accords the issue of Kosovo was excluded entirely.
3. Elected leader.
He was elected president of self-proclaimed Republic of Kosovo in 1992, and re-elected in 1998. Despite that, frustration grew in Albanians over the Serbian repression and lack of international recognition and attention.
4. KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army)
Founded in 1996, it was fuelled by the disillusionment of Albanians, and it pushed for an armed resistance. Rugova still remained a symbol of moral leadership and national unity.
Bosnia/Dayton Accords
1. Bosnia had a war.
1992-1995. They declared independence from Yugoslavia. Bosniaks (Muslims) fought with Croats and Serbs. It was the most blood-shedding conflict since WW|| in the Eastern Europe. It was marked by ethnic cleansing, mass rape and forced displacement. International community initially did not react effectively, with UN troops being deployed but failing to act effectively. NATO intervened in 1994/95 with air strikes.
2. Dayton Accords.
In 1995 the war ended by the document being signed in Dayton, Ohio. The violence stopped but the ethnic tensions remained. Kosovo was NOT included in the agreement.
Conflict and Intervention -
KLA -
Shift from pacifism to Military.
Nationalists and former political prisoners composed most of it.
It was held in secrecy, supported by the diaspora.
From 1996 it started using guerrilla tactics. They targeted Serbian police stations, government officials, and perceived collaborators.
Initially decentralised, it expanded at 1997 when the Albanian state collapsed, getting a lot of weapons.
Serbian military and police often responded with disproportionate force.
Prekaz massacre of 1998. Serbians assaulted the village of Prekaz, killing KLA leader Adem Jashari and over 50 family members. This galvanised Albanian resistance and turned Jashari into a martyr figure.
Albanian Crisis of the 1990s -
Economic shift and pyramid schemes. In the early 1990s Albania Shifted from a strict communist regime to a chaotic form of capitalism. Death of Hoxna in 1985 and fall of USSR (1991), and rising internal pressures a lot of Albanians invested into Pyramid schemes.
The schemes were encouraged or tolerated by the Albanian government, which failed to stop or regulate them.
In 1997 thousands of Albanians lost everything after the pyramids collapse.
The government fell to protests and unrest. Military was looted by gangs, groups, and ordinal people.
Rise of the KLA -
After 1997 large quantities of weapons flew into Kosovo. This made KLA a serious fighting force with modern weapons. As a result, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) began to gain traction among the Albanian population, leading to an increase in organised resistance against Serbian forces.
The Western Population viewed KLA as a terrorist group. In early 1998 they were described as obviously a terrorist organisation by Robert Gerbard, but by the end of 1998 the international community started talking with the leadership.
Ethnic cleansing and Crimes Against Humanity -
Serbia treated KLA as a terrorist organisation and responded with multiple crackdowns and displacements of the native Kosovar Albanians
This repression fuelled KLA.
The cleansing affected both Serbs and Albanians when Serbian forces displaced civilians and KLA elements attacked Serbian Villages and Orthodox cites
The Human Rights Watch and the Amnesty International reported widespread abuses by Serbian forces. According to UN data, by early 1999 more than 200,000 Kosovar Albanians had been forcibly displaced.
KLA deliberately sought to provoke Serbian overreach to draw Western attention.
By 1998 KLA was legitimised by the US as Richard Holbrooke held talks with both the KLA leaders and Milošević
Richard Holbrooke and International Diplomacy -
He was known as a prominent US diplomat whose policies where influential in the Balkans. He brokered the Dayton accords in 1995.
He talked with both KLA representatives and Milošević, which legitimised KLA. It frustrated Serbia but also showed growing Western concern for Kosovo.
UN passed resolution 1199 (in 1998) to call for ceasefire and humanitarian access without force
Kosovo Verification Mission (KVM). Lead by William Walker it was made after Holbrooke-Milošević talks to oversee the ceasefire in Kosovo. Was ineffective, was called of on 1999, a year before the Air-strikes began.
Račak. Serbian forces killed over 40 Albanian civilians, and tried to disguise them as KLA fighters. the International community called it a massacre, and a crime against humanity. This set the stage for NATO’s direct involvement.
Račak -
A pivotal event in the development of the conflict.
William Walker (head of the Kosovo Verification Mission) seen it personally.
The dead were civilians, often elderly.
Serbian forces said that Račak was a KLA stronghold and that 4 Serbian policemen were killed nearby, so this was a response.
Serbia shelled Račak and removed the bodies. They denied the UN was crimes prosecutor entry to Kosovo.
Belgrade said that it was a staged provocation by the KLA.
Journalists concludes suspicious findings as lack of blood for a massacre, and weird body positioning.
Only one Serbian officer was trialed, and later pardoned. Initially, Milošević was about to be charged with it by the ICTY, but due to the lack of evidence the charges dropped.
NATO Intervention and Rambouillet Talks -
Operation Allied Force (March-June 1999). Carried entirely through air strikes and lasted 78 days.
US and key NATO allies pushed for a political solution.
The Rambouillet Talks. Included representatives of Serbia, Kosovo Albanian Leaders, and Western Powers. Under pressure the Kosovars signed the agreement. Serbians refused to sign. Serbians said that provisions such as deployment of NATO forces were a violation of national integrity. The talks were about giving Kosovo monitored by NATO autonomy within Yugoslavia for 3 years, followed by a future referendum.
Perspective of the Talks. Richard Becker describes the accords as an ultimatum, not a peace talk. He said it was declaration of war disguised as a peace agreement.
NATO bypassed the UN with the intervention, to avoid Russian and Chinese votes against. International monitors were withdrawn prior to the operation.
OSCE was also withdrawn. (Organisation of Security and Co-operation in Europe)
NATO Bombing Campaign -
NATO launched air strikes without the approval of United Nations Security Council
NATO said the operation was legitimate but not legal.
14 NATO countries provided aircrafts with the US providing over 700 planes.
Serbia resisted, despite the heavy bombardment.
There was a strike of a Kosovar Albanian Refugee Convoy. It was believed that the convoy carried KLA fighters. NATO first denied, but then admitted to the mistake.
There was a strike of a Chinese Embassy that killed three journalists. China accused NATO of targeting the Embassy. Sino-American relations were damaged after the incident.
Ethnical cleansing and Operation Horseshoe -
Serbians continuously ethnically cleansed the Albanians.
Serbian government used NATO’s attacks to cover up the large-scale expulsions.
Refugees were stripped of belonging and identification by the Serbian authorities. This was done to prevent their return to Kosovo.
Serbian government was accused of planning operation Horseshoe (Podkova) to ethnically cleanse Kosovo. It included defeating KLA and then throwing out Albanians by circling the province, forcing them to flee to Macedonia or Albania.
Serbia denied operation Horseshoe and said that expulsions were made to protect the civilians from the bombing campaign.
End of the Operation Allied Force -
The likelihood of ground forces grew with time as allies (UK) started pushing for deployment.
Russia wanted to negotiate with Serbia, vetoing the involvement of UNSC military action.
Milošević agreed to ceasefire.
Deployment of KFOR (Kosovo Force) -
Post-ceasefire the KFOR was deployed. Nearly 30 countries contributed their troops. The force has to maintain stability.
The force has to oversee the withdrawal of Yugoslav forces, and ensure ceasefire. It had to enable a safe return for the refugees. It had to disarm KLA, and it had to support the establishment of an interim administration under UN oversight.
Many Serbians did not like the fact that the intervention was held. They had limited access to out-of-state media.
KFOR operated under UN auspices but also remained under NATO military command.
KFOR troops were not engaged in combat.
In June 1999 Russian troops unexpectedly seized control of Pristina’s airport.
Challenges of KFOR -
More NATO people was killed after then during the conflict.
KFOR is still in KOSOVO.
Their numbers have decreased, but they are still providing peace.
Impact -
Rebuilding -
The post-war Kosovo was a ruined province.
There was a vast displacement of people. Many Ethnic Serbs flew Kosovo after the invasion. Remained Serbs often faced violence.
Fall of Civil administration and rise of KLA complicated peace-keeping.
Infrastructure was severely damaged, requiring significant investment for reconstruction efforts. Efforts included international aid and local initiatives, focusing on restoring essential services and housing for the displaced population.
United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) was supposed to oversee civil governance, law enforcement, and reconstructions.
KLA formally disbanded, but a lot of commanders remained in leading positions.
KLA to PDK [Democratic Party of Kosovo] → Dominance of past KLA members became a point of criticism
UNMIK was tasked with facilitating the transition towards a stable socio-political environment, yet faced challenges due to the lingering influence of former KLA leaders within the PDK. The UNMIK was structured into various components, including a civilian administration, police force, and judicial system, all aimed at maintaining peace and security while ensuring the rule of law.
Post war challenges -
Continued ethnic tensions: Many ethnic Serbs remained distrustful of the new government, leading to sporadic violence and protests. Serbs were a minority now and the Albanian population used that.
Economic instability: The economy struggled to recover from the war, with high unemployment rates and inadequate infrastructure. Agriculture was the main part of the economy after the war, mainly focused on growing just enough food for local needs. More than 80% of what was produced was used by the people living there.
Kosovo really depended on international aid.
Corruption: Reports of corruption within the new government, particularly among former KLA members, hindered progress and public trust in institutions.
Refugee return: The safe return of displaced persons remained a significant challenge, with many still reluctant to go back to their homes.
The 2004 protests -
Riots began after false reports of Serbs involved in drowning 3 Albanian boys. Over 500 homes were ruined, UN people were assaulted.
The riot’s showed Kosovo’s fragile peace.
Casualties and Social Consequences of the Refugee Crisis -
Around 10k deaths occurred during the Kosovo war.
First the casualties were much higher, estimated by Nato. It was argued that this was said to make the intervention seem logical.
During the War there were mass displacements of Kosovars.
Infrastructure damage -
A lot of houses and infrastructure buildings were destroyed during the war. Additionally, essential services such as healthcare and education were severely disrupted, leading to long-term effects on the population's wellbeing.
Monasteries were also ruined, alongside the banks. Albanian extremists destroyed a Serbian monastery post-conflict in 1999, setting it on fire.
Political impact on the War in Kosovo -
Rugova’s role changed. He shook hands with Milošević on TV, which many Albanians saw as betrayal.
Serbian propagandists used it to show submission of Kosovo to Serbia.
First democratic elections were in 2000, choosing Rugova as president.
Since 2008 Kosovo is counted as independent, but not by all members of the UN.
Rugova as President -
Elected president two times.
Advocated for peaceful resistance against Serbian rule.
Promoted international recognition and support for Kosovo's independence.
He was criticised by KLA but his image remained strong.
He survived an assassination attempt in 2005.
International Reaction and Impact -
Nato was criticised for the intervention with how it was not agreed on with the UNSC.
The countries that did not support the intervention (Russia, China, India) had their own provinces at war, so they feared interventions into their countries as well.
The international Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia -
Purpose and Function:
The ICTY aimed to hold accountable those responsible for war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity, establishing legal precedents for international law and justice.Kosovo War Context:
During the Kosovo War (1998-1999), widespread atrocities occurred, including ethnic cleansing against Kosovar Albanians by Serbian forces. The ICTY sought to address these violations through its proceedings.Key Figures:
The tribunal indicted several key political and military leaders connected to the conflict, including Slobodan Milošević, who faced charges related to his role in the war and its horrific outcomes.Impact of Rulings:
The ICTY's findings had significant implications for international perceptions of the Kosovo conflict, shedding light on the extent of the violence and injustice experienced by the Albanian population during the war.Legacy and Challenges:
Although it contributed to a form of justice, the ICTY faced criticism regarding its efficiency and the perception that it sometimes disproportionately focused on Serbian perpetrators. The tribunal's legacy remains a contentious topic in Kosovo and Serbia, influencing ongoing ethnic tensions and the relationship between the two nations.
Milošević at the tribunal -
Slobodan Milošević became the first sitting head of state indicted for war crimes by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in May 1999, during NATO's bombing of Yugoslavia.
Milošević faced charges for crimes against humanity and violations of the laws of war during the Kosovo conflict (1998-1999), including the murder of over 800 ethnic Albanian civilians, deportation of over 800,000 Kosovo Albanians, and widespread destruction of homes and cultural monuments.
He died while still in trial, in 2006.