History and Pedagogy of EPS (1987-2002): Citizenship, Curriculum, and Controversies

Contextual and Political Underpinnings of Sporting Citizenship (1987-2002)

The period between $1987$ and $2002$ is characterized by a significant move toward producing sporting citizenship within Physical Education (EPS), although this was marked by irreconcilable programmatic controversies. To understand the transition toward specific programs, one must synthesize the link between EPS, the school system, and broader society. During this era, there was a noticeable rise in urban violence in neighborhoods, growing social inequalities, and a surge in communitarianism. These factors led to a direct challenge of secularism (laïcité) by communitarian interests, which deeply concerned the Republic. Consequently, education was mobilized to reduce unemployment by increasing student qualifications and to reconstruct citizenship through the lens of security. This necessitated a transformation of school knowledge—not just in mathematics and French, but also in EPS—to favor the success of all students, leading to a curricular problem centered on the introduction of methodological knowledge. P. Arnaud ($1983$, $1989$) described this as the dialectic of school orthodoxy. C. Pineau ($1987$) noted that this evolution substituted the idea of EPS as a discipline for awakening and physical development with that of a teaching discipline; the goal of "teaching" was now added to the design of "forming." C. Pineau ($1990$) further argued that the identity of EP, its unity and school specificity, depended on the constitution of a didactics of EP. This shift implied that if teaching was occurring, specific knowledge existed that must be identified: what the student learns and what they must learn.

The Educational Question and the Formation of the Citizen

The educational landscape was heavily influenced by the first "Islamic veil" affair in Paris, which created significant political tension. This event acted as a wakeup call for politicians regarding the contestation of Republican values, specifically laïcité, which is the central value of France and is intended to be political and economic. Jacques Chirac was elected on the theme of the "social fracture," addressing how economic liberalism yields an increase in economic and social inequalities. The school was thus tasked with the duty to fight these inequalities, acting as a social lever to allow the most fragile students to improve their social standing. A noted historian of education summarized that rather than returning to the school of Jules Ferry, citizenship must be constructed through the activity of the individual. The goal was to implement "civility in action," constructing authority without resorting to force. This vision was integrated into the Law of $1989$, which established that students have rights and duties and tasked teachers with the "apprenticeship of citizenship" through teaching content and evaluations.

Institutional Directives and the Professionalization of Teaching

Several circulars formalized the teacher's mission during this transition. The Circular of $1997$ was the first text where the State explicitly reminded teachers of their three missions: to instruct, to educate, and to qualify/train students to a level of diploma that allows professional integration. The Circular of $1998$ focused on education for citizenship, re-establishing civic education under the modern form of EMC (Éducation Morale et Civique), integrated into school programs to encourage active citizenship. Regarding the Lycée reforms, there was a persistent social concern within EPS. While the content of EP was not always highly recognized, the discipline was valued for its ability to transmit social, moral, and educational values. It was understood that simply practicing sport was insufficient to acquire values like mutual aid or compassion; these values had to be explicitly taught. EPS sought legitimacy by transforming these goals into actual content, such as teaching respect without violence. Furthermore, J. Bordet ($1999$) stated that new major objectives were attributed to EPS: cultivating the behavior of a citizen with an acute sense of group management, described as "associative behavior." This placed the Association Sportive (AS) at the service of citizenship education, linked to the overall school project. However, field surveys by Bozec revealed a gap between State demands and effective teacher practices, as some teachers remained resistant. This resistance accentuated inequalities between establishments, making a unified national vision difficult. Interestingly, Bozec noted that students highly engaged in school projects did not necessarily exhibit civic attitudes outside of the school setting.

Teacher Training and the Creation of IUFM

To ensure teachers engaged with these new goals, the Law of $1989$ created the IUFM (Institut Universitaire de Formation des Maîtres), with the first opening in $1991$. Previously, teachers were trained in disciplinary units like UFR STAPS, under the philosophy that a teacher was formed predominantly by their discipline (e.g., a PE teacher must be good at sports). The $1989$ reform shifted the focus: before being a subject teacher, one is a teacher first. Thus, training moved away from exclusive disciplinary knowledge to include transversal and educational questions, with all teachers being trained together in the same location to professionalize the craft beyond mere subject expertise.

Conflicts and Tensions in the Reform of School Programs ($1987-1990$)

Between $1987$ and $1990$, the "chantier programme" (program site) in EPS saw the re-emergence of controversies from the $1970s$. The GP (Groupe de Pilotage) was tasked with synthesizing and coordinating work from various academies to redraft the final program. These GAIP (Groupe Académique d'Innovation Pédagogique) were established in seven academies, including Créteil, Dijon, Lyon, and Nantes, to theorize ideas coming from teachers in the field. However, three distinct conceptions emerged, leading to extreme conflicts. A final meeting in Mulhouse in $1990$ failed to produce an official program because consensus was impossible. Pineau subsequently produced the book "Introduction à une didactique de l'EP" in $1990$. The three conflicting conceptions were: creating a program based on APS (Activities Physiques et Sportives) as suggested by Dijon to transmit culture; focusing on didactics of APS; and developing motor conduct to produce autonomous citizens capable of managing their own motility. The debates were a resurgence of the $1960s$ conflicts. J.P. Clément ($1993$) described this as a conflictual game where the goal was to impose a dominant direction and institutionalize power over others through official texts. The actors included R. Mérand (favoring "child sport"), J. Le Boulch and P. Parlebas (psychomotor approach), the GAIP of Dijon and Lyon (didactics of APS), and the GAIP of Nantes and C. Pineau (didactics of EP). In $1991$, J.P. Clément noted that the ideological conflict pitted defenders of the didactics of EPS/EP against those of APS. Didacticians of EP, cited by Parlebas and Pineau, argued that EPS strategies cannot be derived solely from the didactics of sports activities.

Curricular Renovation and the Sociology of Knowledge

The political awareness grew that failing to change programs meant failing to counter social inequalities. This shift drew on the theories of B. Bernstein ($1970$, $1990$) regarding how social codes produce inequality. A "restricted code" involves taking social knowledge as it exists and confronting students with scholarly knowledge without adaptation. A "visible code" explicitly states what is evaluated and taught, including values and attitudes; failing to make these visible widens inequalities. Bernstein also discussed classification: "Strong classification" (accumulative/serial code) is an encyclopedic vision that increases inequality, while "Weak classification" (integrated code) is an individualizing, transversal vision where teachers create content based on a common core. There are three systems of messages: programs, pedagogical methods, and evaluation. The goal was to move from "programs" to "curricula"—a broader vision involving competencies and structured paths. M. Young highlighted the specialization of knowledge, moving from "cloistered programs" (insular specialization) toward "unified programs" (integrative specialization) across three levels: interdisciplinary (between subjects), between general and professional education, and transdisciplinary (between school and non-school knowledge).

The Law of $1989$ and the Technical Disciplinary Groups

The Law of $1989$ created the CNP (Conseil National des Programmes), composed of researchers and deputies, to set major directions. Under them, GTDs (Groupe Technique Disciplinaire) were created for each subject to translate CNP instructions. The CNP published a guide for writing programs, which eventually led toward the S3C (Socle Commun de Connaissances, de Compétences et de Culture) around $1995/1996$. From $1989$ onward, the term "Instruction Officielle" was replaced by "Program." Decision-making involved three levels: major orientations, selection of content and learning activities, and pedagogical methods/evaluations. J.C. Forquin ($1989$) defined school culture as a process of selection and rehabilitation. Competence was defined as the mobilization of knowledge in action. G. Klein ($2000$) identified four fundamental dimensions of competence: contextualization within a "complex situation," a significant duration (cycles), a multi-layered integrative complexity, and a reflected, personal mobilization to adapt to a problem. This aimed to transform teaching toward long-term acquisition, active pedagogy, and evaluation based on complex situations and student productions.

The Middle School Programs and the Struggle for Power ($1993-1998$)

Beginning in $1993$, a national inquiry sought feedback for the middle school (collège) programs. In $1995$, a project was proposed to the Conseil Supérieur de l'Éducation that moved away from APS to enter through "motor conduct" (conduites motrices), identifying resources and three types of knowledge: PA (Programmation d'Action), PO (Pilotage de l'Organisme), and PMG (Prise de Message et de Gestion de l'Action). This move away from APS angered the Minister and the unions. Minister François Bayrou gave the group one year to redo the program, exerting pressure through the authorization of a $4^{th}$ hour of EPS for $6^{th}$ graders. Two institutional positions emerged: the first GTD under Pineau, Hébrard, and G. Klein favored a formalist, student-centered project to form autonomous citizens via motor conduct. Opposing them was the SNEP union (J. Rouyer, A. Becker, C. Courturier), which favored a culturalist project anchored in APSA (Activités Physiques Sportives et Artistiques) to form a "cultured citizen." Pineau eventually retired, and Hébrard returned to his university. Mr. Eisenbeis became president of GTD n°2. From $1996$ to $1998$, a culturalist vision for the college was established, identifying three objectives: a cultural approach, the development of motor conduct, and the management of physical life. It classified APSA into $8$ groups, satisfying the unions. Competencies were defined as specific to APSA, proper to a group of APSA, or general.

Evaluation Reforms and the Baccalaureate Tensions

P. Parlebas viewed the new directives as a return to the IO of $1967$. Parallel tensions existed regarding evaluation, which remained separate from the programs under the IG (Inspection Générale). The $1993$ project for the Baccalaureate included a coefficient of $2$ for the main exam and $1$ for an EPS option. It utilized a menu of $3$ APS from $3$ different action domains. Motor evaluation earned $15$ points based on execution/performance, using "performance zones" where students were rewarded for reproducing performance at specific levels. Knowledge evaluation regarding physical life management earned $5$ points. Union resistance led the minister to demand changes. In $1995$, a "new" Bac EPS was established featuring CCF (Contrôle en Cours de Formation), a terminal point control, and adapted control for students with disabilities. It required $3$ APSA of different natures. Scoring was defined as $60\%$ for efficiency (motility and performance), and for the first time, a "National Evaluation Framework" (référentiel national d'évaluation) was established. Teachers were required to publish an evaluation protocol (criteria, menus, dates), and grading was conducted by two teachers, reflecting a more culturalist vision.

High School Programs and Maintenance Activities ($1999-2001$)

In the late $1990s$, P. Meirieu ($1999$) and F. Dubet ($1991$) focused on the democratization of the second cycle and the new motivations of high school students. G. Klein ($2000$) noted that the lycée is a time for students to orient themselves and give meaning to the corporal dimension of their personal lives. The initial $1999$ program proposed by the experts favored a breakdown of competencies into cultural and methodological components. By $2000$ and $2001$, the lycée program established common teaching based on national or regional cultural heritage, dividing APSA into "common" and "complementary" sets. The goals were to form a citizen and manage corporal life. It defined $5$ Cultural Competencies (CC) and $4$ Methodological Competencies (CM). A major addition was the officialization of CC5 (orienting and developing physical activity for self-maintenance). Specialized options also existed: the optional/workshop teaching ($3$ hours per week) and the "determination" teaching ($5$ hours in $2^{nd}$ grade, $4$ hours in the terminal cycle) to deepen APSA practice, reflexive analysis, and initiation into training.

The Integration of Health and Physical Maintenance

Starting in the late $1980s$, new societal stakes emerged regarding health: the economic cost of healthcare, educational preventative development, individual responsibility, and lifestyle. T. Terret ($2002$) noted that health's importance in PE reflected political shifts toward sanitary education. Leselbaum ($1989$) highlighted that the school had a fundamental influence on child lifestyle habits and a critical function regarding social norms. Four key orientations for health in EPS emerged: a long-term educational perspective, a global vision of health, a close relation to the concept of physical life, and its translation into leisure. C. Pineau ($1987$) emphasized fighting sedentary lifestyles through permanent education for functional potential. The $3^{rd}$ objective of the Arrêté of $1993$ (Delignières & Garsault) focused on the maintenance of potential and the organization of physical life. Cogérino ($2015$) distinguished two conceptions: "Healthist" (bio-medical, using physiological indicators) and "Salutogenic" (promotion of health, focused on meaning, coping, and pleasure). G. Klein ($1999$), at the Berlin conference, provided an economic justification: $1$ dollar invested in EP saves $3.2$ dollars in health costs. This led to the integration of self-maintenance practices, eventually resulting in the CC5 in the terminal cycle of lycée ($2001$), which aimed to give students effective means for a responsible citizenship regarding their corporal life.

Final Assessment of EPS by 2002

By $2002$, EPS had achieved democratization, but it remained fragile. M. Attali and J. Saint Martin ($2009$) noted that while EPS was integrated at all school levels with long-claimed attributes, it remained torn between school integration and disciplinary originality. The debates over programs, evaluation, and the common core illustrated a difficulty in defining a single unified project. In summary, EPS in $2002$ was a discipline with social programs, focused on citizen formation, valuing multiple competencies, and possessing a valued status open to new corporal cultures. However, it faced strong conceptual tensions, resistance to culturalist visions, and a fragile sense of disciplinary unity and coherence.