Feliciano Santos and Meek -- Interactional Surveilance and Self-Censorship

Introduction

  • This paper explores the inherent contradictions in indigenous nations' articulations of self-determination and sovereignty, which are often constrained by a dominating nation-state, leading to "dependent" independence.
  • The study focuses on how these constraints manifest in interactions as self-censorship and self-suppression, examining the role of surveillance in organizing and limiting participation.
  • The effects of surveillance are seen in participants' accommodations, such as voice inflections, discursive parallelisms, physical withdrawal, and silences.
  • Two distinct events are compared to understand the complexities of surveillance: a language workshop and a protest.
  • The article also examines how social actors manage domination through self-suppression, emphasizing its role in mediating belonging and non-belonging in linguistic interactions.

Theoretical Framework

  • Draws on Ellen Basso's work on "ordeals of language," where silence or self-suppression reflects power inequalities.
  • Extends Basso's insight by suggesting that these linguistic acts can also be techniques to counter subjugation, with interactional disengagement becoming a form of empowerment.
  • The research is based on ethnographic settings with Athabaskan speakers in the Yukon Territory, Canada, and Taino activists in Puerto Rico.
  • The study compares interactions within indigenous revitalization events, specifically a language workshop and a protest.
  • It explores the complexities of interpreting self-censoring moments as complicit acts of oppression versus techniques of empowerment.
  • The paper considers the role of perceived monitoring and its associated threats in shaping participation.
  • It focuses on accommodations made by participants, such as voice inflections, discursive parallelisms, physical comportment, and silences.

Dimensions of Suppression of Voice:

  1. Suppression of voice of less dominant social actors in interaction with institutionally sanctioned monitors as a form of "acquiescence of tradition of politeness," where self-suppression enables the continued domination and subjugation of interactionally less dominant peoples.
  2. Suppression of voice of less dominant social actors in interactions with institutionally sanctioned monitors as a form of secrecy that facilitates the empowerment and situational control of otherwise less dominant peoples, aiding their interactional (and potentially longer-term) positioning as dominant.
  3. Mutual acts of monitoring and suppression of voice in interactions among less dominant and more institutionally dominant social actors, where relationships of domination remain ambiguous and indeterminate.
  4. Mutual mediation of monitoring and suppression of voice in interactions among less dominant and more institutionally dominant social actors, where mutual self-determination and independence becomes a shared goal.
  • Self-suppression is highlighted as an active technique in linguistic interactions, with outcomes dependent on local contexts, histories, and social relationships.
  • The analysis draws on the concept of surveillance as heightened monitoring aimed at obtaining information or limiting acceptable actions.
  • In these interactions, monitoring is mutual, with surveillance and self-suppression occurring in tandem with constrained self-determination and marginal independence.
  • The study foregrounds the negotiation and dialogism of interaction, considering personal trajectories and contexts.
  • It examines the role of uptake, understanding, expectations, constraints, compliance, and sanctions in social exchanges, drawing on Giddens' work.
  • The mediation of belonging and non-belonging through interactional monitoring and suppression of voice is negotiable.
  • Monitoring can socialize individuals into belonging or differentiate them, mediating non-belonging.

Case Studies

Yukon Territory, Canada: Language Workshop

  • Focuses on the public reemergence of aboriginal language and expression within a framework of indigenous self-determination.
  • The interactions reveal chuckles and non-silence as subtle acts of suppression and aggression, influenced by the ranking of languages and speakers.
  • These acts contradict the bureaucratic discourse of linguistic inclusion and mutual support.
  • The politics of language in Canada emphasize "multilingualism" and "multiculturalism," as codified in the 1980s.
  • The Yukon Languages Act recognizes English, French, and eight aboriginal languages, allocating resources for their preservation and revitalization.
  • Surveys revealed a decline in aboriginal language use, except for Kaska, which showed greater use among the youngest demographic.
  • Discourses of value and evaluation accompanied these results, raising awareness of the valuing of certain speakers as competent.
  • Elders received an honorarium of 100100 CDN a day for their participation.
  • Aboriginal language projects, such as the publication of elders' narratives in "Dene Gudeji," aimed to preserve and document languages.
  • However, not all dialects were represented, leading some speakers to feel marginalized.
  • This case study took place at a language workshop focused on documenting the knowledge of Kaska elders, particularly their historical and contemporary subsistence practices.
  • The workshop was funded by the Yukon government as part of its agreement with First Nations.
  • Several Dene dialects were represented, with dialects A and B ranked above dialect C.
  • Speakers of dialects A and B held public office and claimed to be "original" to the area, while speakers of dialect C were positioned as subordinate.
  • English usage was also evaluated, with differing views on its appropriateness in the workshop setting.
"WELL, TOMORROW I TALK MORE MAYBE"
  • This interaction highlights self-censorship related to politeness and accommodation.
  • Angela, a speaker of dialect C, is interrupted and experiences a mutually managed censorship of her narrative.
  • Remarks from male elders and the workshop coordinator suggest self-censorship, with Angela avoiding performing her own dialect.
  • Angela was often positioned as English-dominant, alienating her from aboriginal language events.
Interaction 1.1
  • Angela compliments the previous storyteller, Howard Smith.
  • Paul encourages Angela to share her stories, but the elders continue chatting in the background.
  • Angela attempts to regain composure but is interrupted by Paul.
  • The elders remark on the importance of having the narrative in "dene k'eh," not English, de-legitimating Angela's role.
  • Paul attempts to include Angela by asking if she wants to tell a story in English.
  • Angela begins to describe her mother's practices, but an elder man offers a competing narrative in the background.
  • Paul interrupts again to address the elders.
  • Angela concludes her contribution, saying, "well, tomorrow I talk more maybe."
Interaction 1.2
  • Angela criticizes an individual involved in aboriginal language revitalization, expressing her frustration with how her contributions are perceived.
  • She notes that Virginia doesn't do what Barb does.
  • Angela said that something he doesn't like us and that he likes Francine more than others.
  • She describes feeling silenced and marginalized.
  • Barb empathizes with Angela, noting that people need to try more to understand each other.
  • Angela acknowledges that Barb has done a good job.
  • The most profound form of Angela's self-censorship was the presentation of her narratives in English rather than in her own dialect.
  • Angela and Muriel perceived themselves as being actively suppressed at various moments by other Dene speakers.

Puerto Rico: Taino Activists

  • Examines the public reemergence of indigeneity in Puerto Rico, which is contested by scholars, government institutions, and indigenous populations.
  • The Taino in Puerto Rico are considered a contested case of people making claims to an indigenous identity.
  • Activists claim to have continuously maintained Taino culture through family lineages, though their claims are questioned.
  • Early meetings in the 1960s prompted discussions about being Taino beyond immediate families.
  • Elders sought to protect sacred ceremonial and burial sites from being appropriated by the government.
  • The presumed extinction of the Taino limits their claims to indigeneity and their role in public policy.
  • The reclamation of Taino identity materializes within bureaucratic encounters.
  • The events surrounding a campaign to protect the Jacanas burial and ceremonial grounds in Ponce are examined.
  • The main goal was to conserve, protect, and defend Jacanas and its surroundings.
  • The event faced struggles with government officials, and the expectation of surveillance affected interactions and outcomes.
  • Interactions with guards employed by the state were permeated by expectations of surveillance, resulting in mutual suspicion and distrust, where the leaders of GCT strategized for an impending discussion with Department of Natural and Environmental Resources (DRNA) employees.
Context of Events
  • A newspaper headline reported the discovery of a Taino village, focusing on tensions between local and federal archaeologists.
  • The archaeological site was managed by New South Associates, a private company hired by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers.
  • New South Associates found what was argued to be the largest Taino ceremonial center in the Caribbean.
  • However, they did not include local archaeologists or contact the Land Archaeology Council of the ICP.
  • Archaeologists claimed that the digs were not conducted according to protocol, and artifacts were sent to New South's offices in Atlanta without consulting the ICP.
  • Among the items sent to Atlanta were 66 human skeletal remains, allegedly removed without consulting forensic anthropologists or local authorities and this alarmed people.
  • Concerns were raised over federal disregard for local laws and the mismanagement of local heritage.
  • The voice of Taino activists was dismissed from the debate.
  • Taino groups occupied the areas surrounding the site and held ceremonies, protests, and interviews with local families.
  • The preliminary planning of the protest went smoothly, but community involvement waned, and the protest was postponed.
  • The DRNA sent a letter stating that any act of protest near the site would be illegal, leading the GCT to reframe the protest as a clean-up of the river.
Strategizing Encounters
  • Abuela Serita and the researcher arrived at the site to clean the river ensuring that the waters that feed the roots of the sacred site are clean; later on she was approached by guard from the DRNA's Cuerpo de Vigilantes (Corps of Guards).
  • The elder, saddened by the situation, said, "We are just here to clean the river. We just want to make sure that the waters that feed the roots of this sacred site are clean. How are you?"
  • The guard, respectful, agrees with her that the site hadn't been taken care of well and he told them that they should be careful.
  • The next day, the guards blocked off access to the entrance, and the GCT set up the clean-up and protest on the side of the road.
  • Attendance was meager, and those present cleaned alongside Highway 10.
  • The appearance of the guards provoked discussions on strategies to use when talking to them.
  • The Taino activists read this action as an act of surveillance and reacted accordingly.
  • The GCT members decided that Serita and Caona would be the only ones authorized to speak with the guards and they decided to keep video recorders on throughout the conversation to document what ensued.
Interaction 1.1
  • One of the guards reveals that he considers himself Taino, interrupting the binaries between the Taino as protestors and the guards as non-Taino.
  • Revealing that he considers himself Taino might influence the contours of the continuing interaction.
  • Since the guard's revelation effectively closed any channels for direct confrontation, such realignments serve the Taino as they express their disagreement and frustrations.
Interaction 1.2
  • Serita and Caona focus on mailed correspondence
  • They highlight the perceived absurdity of asking for federal permits for activities that they consider outside of federal jurisdiction, such as playing the fotuto (a traditional shell instrument) since that is a patrimony.
  • They highlight other tensions such as speaking