Quakers and Colonization – Comprehensive Study Notes (Bacon, Quaker History, 2006)

Overview

The Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) is widely known for opposing slavery, but there was never a uniform agreement among members about how slavery should be ended or what should follow emancipation. Some early abolitionists favored education and moral reform to achieve racial equality and integration; others favored resettlement of people of color on their own land (in the West, on Caribbean islands, or in Africa).
African-American leaders themselves were not united on resettlement: some believed there was little hope for equal status in a prejudiced society and supported separate development off “white society,” while others argued they had helped build the nation and deserved full equality. W. E. B. Du Bois described the latter stance in The Souls of Black Folk as African Americans claiming equal rights and seeking assimilation on the same terms as whites. This sentiment is illustrated by figures like Forten, Purvis, Shadd, and Du Bois themselves, who urged living as “people of color” rather than as a separate caste. Despite their efforts, Blacks often found themselves fighting to retain basic rights rather than securing a stable place in society.
Early colonization ideas arose within both abolitionist and religious circles, culminating in the American Colonization Society (ACS) founded in the early 19th century to fund the return of free Blacks to Africa. While some Quakers supported colonization as a practical solution, its Southern backing led many to question its motives and its effects on slavery and Black citizenship.
The central question for Friends was whether Blacks could become legitimate citizens in an American nation that included slavery, or whether colonization would offer a viable path to freedom and self-determination. The historical record shows a spectrum of views among Friends—ranging from support for colonization to staunch opposition to any plan that removed free Blacks from the United States, to calls for abolition and integration within Quaker channels.
The article traces a long arc from early caution about assimilation (and occasional support for separate development) to later divisions within the Society (Orthodox vs. Hicksite) around colonization, and then to shifting attitudes around the Civil War and emancipation, where debates about resettlement gave way to broader discussions about equality, rights, and integration.

Key concepts and definitions

Colonization (in this context): efforts to resettle free Blacks from the United States to Africa or other regions, often under the banner of philanthropy or colonization societies, and sometimes framed as a solution to perceived “race problems” in the U.S.
American Colonization Society (ACS): founded in 1816 to raise funds to send free Blacks back to Africa, with the aim of stabilizing slavery by removing free Blacks from American society. 1816
Colonization vs abolition continuum among Friends: a spectrum from full integration and equal rights (abolitionist stance) to support for resettlement as a pragmatic compromise or even a strategy to avert abolitionist agitation, depending on the regional and individual context.
The Hicksite–Orthodox split (Philadelphia Yearly Meeting): a major institutional division within Friends in the late 1820s driven by debates over slavery and reform, with broader implications for attitudes toward colonization and abolition. 1827

Early attitudes toward slavery and colonization within Quaker tradition

George Fox and early Quaker cautions: Friends were urged to treat slaves with care and perhaps manumit some at death, but Blacks were not admitted to full church membership in many settings.
Philadelphia Yearly Meeting’s complex practices: although some Black members were admitted, most Blacks sat on back or side benches, spoke infrequently, and faced discouragement from participating fully in Meeting life. Quaker schools for Black children existed but were limited; most Black education occurred outside Quaker schools for a long period.
Early abolitionists within Quaker circles favored accommodation with Black people (e.g., some Black families and activists chosen for interaction with Friends), but a pervasive pattern of paternalism persisted, often wrapped in religious and moral language.
Notable early Quaker voices on colonization and race:
- Benjamin Lay argued against assimilation due to perceived physiological and cultural barriers; he doubted the possibility of Blacks and Whites fully integrating.
- Anthony Benezet argued for ending the slave trade and proposed Western settlements to which Blacks could relocate; he suggested the western territories as a “suitable and beneficial” path for settlement.
- Elias Hicks, while a fiery abolitionist, favored colonization as a practical solution to the racial question and urged support for a colonization program that would relocate Blacks to the Southwest.
- John Parrish (Philadelphia Friend, 1806) argued for the moral imperative to free enslaved people and entertained the possibility of resettlement; he acknowledged the natural aversion between races but pressed for emancipation and relocation. 1806

Paul Cuffe and the early colonization movement among Black Quakers

Paul Cuffe (1758–1817): a Black Quaker, ship-owner, and community leader who believed Blacks should pursue education, voting rights, and civic participation while also considering emigration as a possible option. He founded a school for Black and white children and engaged in early colonization thinking.
Cuffe’s African Institute activity: in the early 1800s he helped organize fundraising and discussion about Black colonization, envisioning African settlements that could be connected through trade with the United States and Britain.
1811 voyage: Cuffe sailed to Leone (Sierra Leone region) to explore conditions on the African coast; he advocated for connections with the Atlantic world to facilitate a potential emigration and trade network.
1816 African Institute: Cuffe assembled a meeting in which many Black attendees denounced colonization as proposed by the ACS, signaling early Black resistance to resettlement and a preference for rights in the United States rather than exile.
Friends in Philadelphia and New England initially supported colonization through the ACS and related efforts; later developments would reveal deep ambivalence and resistance among Black communities and reformers alike.
The ACS’s early leadership under Charles Fenton (lobbyist) and Robert Finley (Princeton) signaled a strong national push to organize Black emigration to Africa, with widespread enthusiasm among some Quaker networks.
The relationship between Cuffe, the African Institute, and the ACS highlighted tensions between Black leadership and White reformers over strategy and agency in pursuit of emancipation and equality.

The American Colonization Society (ACS) and Quaker engagement

ACS formed to raise funds to send free Blacks back to Africa; its pervasiveness among white Southerners created suspicion in many quarters that colonization was a vehicle to strengthen slavery by exporting free Blacks.
Quaker engagement in the ACS was uneven and often contested. Some Friends supported colonization in the early years as a practical solution to a difficult problem; others opposed it or grew skeptical as the movement evolved.
Notable Quaker collaborators and influencers:
- Willliam Bassett, James Buffum, Abby Kelley (New England Friends) supported colonization in the early phase; Sarah Grimké supported Pennsylvania’s Colonization Society financially.
- John Griscom and other New York Friends helped fund and promote colonization, though many later members grew disillusioned.
The ACS’s scale and impact within Quaker communities: the organization drew local societies and supported the establishment of the colony in Liberia; it oversaw the relocation of thousands of Black Americans to Africa (e.g., around 12,000 emigrants reaching Liberia over time).
Southern influence and Northern complicity: Quakers in slaveholding states faced pressure to align with colonization projects as a means of stabilizing slavery, while abolitionist elements within Friends pushed back against exporting Black Americans.
The shift in support among Friends over time reflected broader tensions between abolitionist aims and pragmatic political strategies.

Regional and intra-faith dynamics: Pennsylvania, New England, and New York

Pennsylvania: a center of Quaker abolitionism but also a focal point for colonization activity. Figures like Levi Coffin (later a leading abolitionist and railroad conductor) and Paul Cuffe influenced discussions about colonization and freedom. Some Pennsylvanian Friends opposed colonization’s coercive aspects and insisted that emancipation must be a precondition of any relocation scheme.
New England: some Friends (e.g., Abby Kelley, William Bassett, James Buffum) initially supported colonization but encountered growing opposition as abolitionist thought matured; Grimké’s family involvement and philanthropy show the complex intersection of reform movements across regions.
New York: early support from Friends and involvement of Paul Cuffe and Salmon Bayley (Black abolitionist) in Liberia; later disillusionment as Garrisonian anti-colonization rhetoric gained traction.
Across regions, the balance of support for colonization shifted with the rise of anti-slavery activism and the publication of abolitionist literature, particularly the works of William Lloyd Garrison and his allies.

The Philadelphia Yearly Meeting split: Orthodox vs Hicksites (1827 onward)

Causes of the split: religious orthodoxy, the power of elders over the spoken ministry, and the degree to which the Society should raise slavery issues within worship. Elias Hicks attacked Friends who he believed maintained business dealings with slaveholders, highlighting tensions between economic ties to slavery and religious reform.
Aftermath and scale: approximate numbers of adherents after the split were 17000 Hicksites and 9000 Orthodox. The city of Philadelphia became a focal point of the division; many members left Green Street and other meetings as the rift widened.
Consequences for antislavery work: Hicksites tended to be more abolitionist and supportive of the ACS or colonization in some cases, while Orthodox Friends favored quieter, less politically engaged approaches to anti-slavery within the framework of the Meeting. The separation produced parallel publications (The Friend for the Orthodox and The Friend or Advocate of Truth for the Hicksites) and affected the distribution of power, property, and influence across the Quaker community.
The split also intersected with ongoing debates about colonization and whether reform should be pursued inside the Society or through external political channels.
Notable post-split dynamics: the Orthodox formed higher-education initiatives (e.g., Institute for Colored Youth) that were integrated with or supported by annual meetings, while both groups faced internal tensions over alignment with the ACS and its implications for colored members.

Abolitionist thought, Garrison, and the colonization debate (1830s–1840s)

The rise of William Lloyd Garrison and his Liberator (first issue in 1831) reframed the debate by advocating immediate emancipation and opposing colonization as a solution that perpetuated removal and racial inferiority.
Garrison’s influence within Friends: his anti-colonization stance attracted several Quaker adherents, especially within the Hicksites, and drew opposition from others who remained entangled with colonization-oriented thinking.
1832 pamphlet Thoughts on Colonization (by Garrison) and 1833 Philadelphia engagement: these pieces catalyzed opposition among many Friends, including Abby Kelley, who later reflected on being duped by colonization advocates.
Whittier and other abolitionist allies of Garrison (e.g., Lucretia and James Mott) publicly challenged colonization, arguing that emancipation without the removal of Blacks from the United States was unlikely to facilitate meaningful social change.
The anti-slavery movement within Friends expanded through the formation of anti-slavery associations, while some Hicksites formed alliances with groups like the American Anti-Slavery Society. The Garrisonians were strongly opposed to colonization and to any political strategy that displaced Black citizens.
Opposition to colonization also came from Black reformers and journalists who argued that colonization did not address the fundamental problem of racial inequality in the United States. In the Garrison era, many Black leaders and activists emphasized abolition and rights within the United States rather than relocation.
Nevertheless, a segment of Friends and abolitionists continued to view colonization as an option in particular contexts and times, reflecting the broader identity conflict between faith-based reform and radical social change.

Education, manumission, and the moral economy of slavery in the Quaker world

Levi Coffin and public figures from the North Carolina to Indiana: Coffin’s stance against making colonization a condition of freedom illustrates a key concern that colonization could exploit enslaved people by tying their freedom to expatriation. He moved to Indiana to avoid slave-state contradictions and sought to work against colonization in favor of emancipation and integration.
The Pennsylvania Abolition Society and its stance on colonization: debates over colonization within abolitionist circles continued, with some officers and members supporting colonization alliances while others opposed the approach as inconsistent with Christian reform.
The role of Quaker hypocrisy and reform: some Quakers recognized a tension between universal principles (equality of all people) and practical compromises that colonization represented. The Society’s concern for the welfare and education of Black children remained a persistent but uneven effort, with occasional successes (e.g., Institute for Colored Youth) and frequent shortcomings due to broader social attitudes.
The role of the 1830s–1840s abolitionist movement in shaping Quaker policy: shifting public sentiment and national political realities influenced the willingness of Friends to engage with colonization as a strategy, and pushed many toward a more integrated, anti-slavery stance.

The African Civilization Society, cotton, and reform currents (1850s–1860s)

The Cotton Cultivation in Africa (Benjamin Coates, 1858) argued for Africa as a potential foundational site to produce cotton and thereby undermine the economic incentives for slavery in the United States. It proposed an Africa-based agricultural economy as an antidote to the slave-based economy in the U.S. and suggested using trade and production to promote emancipation’s economic prospects. 1858
The African Civilization Society (founded in the 1850s and led by Coates): a reform effort to create a legitimate African economic powerhouse that would serve as a counterweight to American slavery; it promoted emigration to Africa but also planned for Africans to build infrastructure, schools, and governance on the continent.
Buxton and the 1839 African Education and Civilization Society: English Quaker Thomas Buxton helped inspire reform-minded opposition to the ACS and supported voluntary resettlement as a morally permissible alternative to coercive colonization. He favored emancipation and colonies if voluntary and well-planned, contrasting with the coercive tendencies some colonization advocates supported.
Garnet and Douglass, and other Black abolitionists, contributed to the debate by offering leadership and a different perspective on African emigration and civil rights at home. Garnet, in particular, became a leading figure for Black nationalist and pro-African-resettlement positions in some circles.
The Civil War period shifted attention away from colonization toward emancipation and national reforging, and after the war, debates about integration and Black rights progressed, though some reformers continued to advocate for emigration as a long-term strategic option.

The war, emancipation, and long-term implications for Quaker race relations

The Civil War brought a lull in colonization activity and shifted focus toward emancipation and postwar redefinition of citizenship.
The postwar period saw ongoing debates about integration vs. separate development within Friends, including tensions when Black communities formed coalitions in separate schools and organizations.
The article frames the historical arc as a precursor to mid-20th-century debates within the Society of Friends about integration—admitting Black members to schools, meetings, and neighborhoods—and the occasional emergence of more separate Black organizations within Friends circles.
The broader takeaway is that the colonization question never entirely disappeared from Quaker discourse and served as a persistent lens through which Friends evaluated the meaning of equality, religious integrity, and the scope of reform.

Synthesis: themes, implications, and lasting questions

The tensions between abolition, colonization, and assimilation reveal a broader moral and political dilemma: how to pursue justice in a society that is structurally unequal.
Within Quaker circles, reform ideas evolved with shifting social pressure, religious orthodoxy, and emerging Black leadership, illustrating how religious communities negotiate inclusion, power, and responsibility.
The complex history of colonization among Friends foreshadows later debates about integration vs. separate development within American religious and social life, including ongoing conversations about race, education, and civil rights.
Ethical and practical implications: colonization raised questions about voluntary vs. coercive relocation, the definition of freedom, and the balance between immediate emancipation and long-term social justice; it also highlighted the risks of aligning religious reform with political strategy that could destabilize Black communities.

Notable people, events, and works (selected)

W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk, describing Black pursuit of assimilation and equal citizenship on terms similar to other Americans (quoted perspectives summarized above).
Benjamin Lay: warned against assimilation due to physical and cultural barriers.
Anthony Benezet: advocated ending the slave trade and resettling many Black people in western territories separated from slaveholding society.
Elias Hicks: abolitionist who supported colonization; later tensions contributed to the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting split.
John Parrish (1806): argued for emancipation and resettlement as a practical proposal, acknowledging race-based tensions.
Paul Cuffe (1758–1817): Black Quaker leader who directed efforts toward Black emigration and education; led the African Institute discussions and voyage explorations; interactions with the ACS and abolitionists highlighted tensions between Black and White reformers. 1758-1817, 1811 voyage, 1816 African Institute meeting.
Levi Coffin: opposed conditioning freedom on colonization and later engaged in anti-slavery activism in the Indiana/North Carolina corridor.
Robert Finley (Princeton): director who lobbied Congress to support colonization and oversaw early ACS operations.
Sarah Grimké and Abby Kelley: prominent abolitionists who supported colonization programs in various ways early on, later shifting toward abolitionist universalism.
The Liberator (first issue in 1831) and pamphlets like Thoughts on Colonization (1832) and Justice and Expediency (1833) influenced debates among Friends and abolitionists alike.
The Institute for Colored Youth (founded as part of abolitionist education efforts) and its ties to the Pennsylvania abolitionist movement.
The Cotton Cultivation in Africa (Benjamin Coates), 1858: argument for African agriculture as an emancipatory economic policy.
The African Civilization Society (late 1850s–1860s): leadership around Emmanuel Coates’s ideas and Garnet’s advocacy; later debates with Garrisonian abolitionists on strategy and rights.

Notes and sources (selected references from the article)

Thomas Drake, Quakers and Slavery (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950), esp. chapters on 19th-century debates.
W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Blue Heron Press, 1953).
Paul Goodman, Of One Blood: Abolitionism and the Origins of Racial Equality (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1998).
Joseph Drinker's Pleas for the Admission of Colored People to the Society of Friends, 1795, Journal of Negro History XXXII (1947), 110–112.
Margaret Hope Bacon, Valiant Friend: the Life of Lucretia Mott (New York: Walker & Company, 1980).
Elias Hicks Papers and related sources in Friends Historic Collection.
J. Staudenraus, Notes on The African Colonization Movement 1816–1865 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961).
Beulah Sanson to Elliott Cresson, 1834; Benjamin Coates papers; Elliott Cresson papers; and Philadelphia Yearly Meeting minutes (various dates) for primary-source context on colonization debates.
William Lloyd Garrison, The Liberator (1831 onward) and Thoughts on Colonization (1832).
Sarah Grimké and Abby Kelley: letters and biographies on their abolitionist work and stance toward colonization.
Thomas Buxton, African Education and Civilization Society (1839) and related English Quaker reform movements.
The Pennsylvania Abolition Society records and Annual Meetings (various dates) for state-level reactions to colonization.

Summary takeaway

Quaker engagement with colonization shows a long-running tension between reform ideals and pragmatic political strategies, as well as the tension between integration and separate development for Black Americans. The history reflects broader American debates about race, citizenship, and social reform that continued to shape discussions within Quaker communities into the 20th century and beyond. The evolving stance—from cautious accommodation and colonization experiments to resistance by abolitionists and eventual push for integration—illustrates the complexity of moral leadership within religious communities facing national crises.

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