Notes from an Auto-Ethnographic Path: East New York to the Ivory Tower

Introduction and Concept of Survivor Criminology

Central aim: expand the meaning of 'survivor' to include both victims of violence and those who break the law, highlighting how offenders are also survivors who endure structural violence before and during criminal pathways.
Conceptual goal: develop survivor criminology that foregrounds structural violence and its role in producing criminality, especially among marginalized populations.
Core claim: criminology often treats structural violence as separate or ignores it; this separation is problematic because structural violence begets other forms of violence (i.e., it is foundational, not merely additive).
Definition of structural violence (cited):
- "Structural violence refers to the avoidable limitations that society places on groups of people that constrain them from meeting their basic needs and achieving the quality of life that would otherwise be possible. These limitations, which can be political, economic, religious, cultural, or legal in nature, usually originate in institutions that exercise power over particular subjects" $Lee, 2019, p. 123$ .
Autobiographical frame: an auto-ethnographic account of growing up in East New York, Brooklyn, joining Asociación Ñeta, and using those experiences to guide research and advocacy for incarcerated persons.
Broader significance: links personal experience to research and teaching agendas that critique mainstream criminology and academia’s elitism.
Key theme: survivors include those who are marginalized by social institutions and the criminal justice system, not only direct victims of crimes.

Structural Violence: Definition, Mechanisms, and Implications

Structural violence produces avoidable suffering by constraining basic needs and quality of life through institutions.
Mechanisms include political, economic, religious, cultural, and legal structures that exercise power over subjects.
Consequences: marginalization, crime, incarceration, and a cycle of violence that is perpetuated by policies and institutional practices.
Importance to survivor criminology: understanding offenders as survivors whose pathways are shaped by structural violence.

Uncle Apache and the 75th Precinct: Early Memories of Injustice

Personal memory: witnessing Uncle Apache’s arrest by NYPD (75th precinct) in 1991 during the War on Drugs era and Rockefeller Drugs Laws.
Context: mass incarceration policies targeted substance users of color; Uncle Apache spent time in prison and died in 2001 after years of addiction.
Key moment: witnessing harsh policing (nightstick, handcuffs) shaped view of how the system treats people deemed dispensable.
Comparative note: if arrested today, he would likely access drug court treatment rather than prison, illustrating shifts and ongoing critiques of punitive approaches.
Source context: references to Human Rights Watch (2009) and documentary context (The Seven Five) on precinct corruption.

East New York: Neighborhood Context, Poverty, and Street Responses

Demographic and crime context: East New York recorded the highest murder count in NYC in 1990; poverty linked to violent crime.
Economic indicator: in 1993, East New York per capita income was $8,013$ .
Police dynamics: despite crime, local officers from the same precinct were reportedly involved in corruption (extortion, drug dealing, murder).
Social response: families learned not to confide in police due to harassment and arrest patterns; reliance on the Code of the Streets for resolution of conflicts.
Gangs’ role: gangs served a protective function by filling voids left by underfunded institutions and distrust in law enforcement (Venkatesh, 2008).
Personal experience: family’s gang involvement on Dumont Ave provided protection and community stability in a hostile environment.
Critique of mainstream portrayals: resistance to dehumanizing characterizations of gangs as purely criminal entities.

Household Violence and Intergenerational Trauma

Household violence: father struggled with substance use and PTSD stemming from a traumatic upbringing in the South Bronx; PTSD among inner-city children linked to violence exposure and poverty (Mazza & Reynolds, 1999).
Family history: grandfather abusive and alcoholic; mother’s mental illness; pattern of domestic violence learned and reproduced within family dynamics (Edleson et al., 2007).
Intergenerational cycle: poverty, mental health issues, and addiction contribute to continued cycles of violence and crime, illustrating structural violence’s reach into the home.
The father’s trajectory: started selling drugs at a young age, coerced by corrupt policing, leading to continued violence and instability.
Broader relevance: supports the argument that victims can become offenders, and vice versa, within a structural framework.

From Public School to Private Struggles: Education as a Pathway and Site of Violence

Early school experiences: public schooling in East New York was underfunded; contrast with experiences of attending a better-funded school (P.S. 60 in Woodhaven, Queens).
Relative deprivation: deprivation is relative, shaped by comparisons to peers in a different neighborhood and school context (Young, 1999).
Disciplinary disparities and the school-to-prison pipeline: East New York schools had higher dropout rates; zero-tolerance policies contributed to punitive trajectories; restorative measures were available in the better-resourced school (Morris & Perry, 2016; Irwin, Davidson, & Hall-Sanchez, 2013).
Mediation and restorative justice: mediation in elementary school offered a restorative approach that could undo some structural violence; absence in East New York could lead to early entry into the pipeline.
Personal outcomes: attending PS 60 highlighted economic inequality; incidents of harassment and discrimination in class or discipline highlighted disparities in treatment (e.g., being called “the girl who smells”).
Field observation: field trips, community service exposure, and library access provided relief from home violence and inspired future educational goals.

Brooklyn Tech and Early Political Awakening

Transition to Brooklyn Technical High School, a high-achieving environment, where the author engaged in social justice activism (Progressive Student Awareness).
Activities: dress code protests, walkouts, and demands for teacher contracts.
Economic pressures: despite academic success, financial pressures led to needing full-time work as a teen; family financial strain included heat and electricity shortages, and the mother’s spending on partying.
Two-life tension: thriving in an elite school while surviving in a household mired in poverty.

The Shift to Richmond Hill High School and Joining Asociación Ñeta

Family upheaval: parents’ separation; the author joined Asociación Ñeta at 15 to gain social, emotional, and financial support.
Educational sacrifice: began selling drugs while working full-time as a receptionist.
Ñeta origins: the group originally named Asociación Pro-Derechos del Confinado (Association for Prisoner’s Rights), founded in Oso Blanco prison (Puerto Rico), by incarcerated men who fought structural and physical violence in correctional systems.
The literature: Ñeta materials introduced the author to prison realities and prisoner advocacy; the organization emphasized protecting incarcerated members and fighting for their rights.
Context on gang membership: challenges the stereotype that gangs are long-lived or blood-in, blood-out; notes that many gang memberships are short-lived (Decker & Lauritsen, 2002).
Personal impact: Ñeta teachings laid the groundwork for a life devoted to critical scholarship and advocacy for incarcerated and gang-affected populations.

The Ñetas’ Cultural and Intellectual Influence on Research Trajectory

Intellectual shift: Ñeta teachings inspired a shift toward researching and challenging structural violence affecting incarcerated individuals.
Research orientation: approach to research became critical criminology focusing on structural explanations rather than individual pathology.
Counter-narratives: rejects demonization of gang members and emphasizes protective/community functions of gangs.
Terminology and conceptual frame: the shift from “criminal” to an emphasis on structural conditions and human experiences behind criminal justice outcomes.
Short tenure of gang involvement: personal gang involvement lasted four years, but the impact on career and identity extended well beyond that period.

Redemption Through Education: From Joint-Degree Programs to Doctoral Aspirations

Educational breakthrough: enrolled in college in 2004; John Jay College offered an associate degree in Police Studies that did not require the SATs.
Mentorship: Dr. Douglas Thompkins, a former gang member and incarcerated person, became a mentor and paternal figure; he modeled radical compassion and supported life-changing decisions.
Academic trajectory: Thompkins suggested pursuing a bachelor’s degree; switched to a B.S. in Criminal Justice; encouraged pursuit of a joint Bachelor-Master’s program (five-year path).
Financial support: Reisenbach Foundation Fellowship funded tuition for three semesters; Thompkins helped with tuition and life guidance.
Philosophical influence: Thompkins’ radical compassion shaped classroom pedagogy and student-centered approaches.
Goal alignment: Thompkins motivated pursuit of a Ph.D. and a career that combined scholarship with social impact.

Direct Experience with the Criminal Injustice System: Arrest, Rough-Rides, and Rethinking Reform

Third-year college incident: dating a Bloods member; fundraising fundraiser for a lupus patient; police raid exposed vulnerabilities in the system.
Rough-rides: police bus ride involving six arrestees chained in a van; officers slammed on brakes multiple times; rough-rides discussed in newer national dialogue following Freddie Gray (Baltimore) case (Ortiz, 2017).
Legal process: held in central booking for three days without arraignment; eventual guilty pleas to two misdemeanors with youthful offender status to seal the record at 21 (NY CPL 720.35).
Public defender realities: overburdened public defenders with limited time, often encouraging plea deals (NACDL 2018; Schoneman 2018; Weiss 2019).
Arrest outcomes: not charged with many crimes actually committed; realization that the system can manufacture charges or leverage plea bargains to destroy lives.
Philosophical shift: personal experience catalyzed a critique of reformist approaches; shifted toward abolitionist perspectives and reentry-focused research.
Outcome: left gang life after the arrest and redirected toward education and scholarship.

Tomás: A Partner’s Story and the Civil Courts as a Structural Barrier to Reentry

Relationship: April 2008 meeting with Tomás; he later revealed a heroin addiction and a history of incarceration.
Auburn Correctional Facility trauma: Tomás described brutal experiences at Auburn and the challenges of reentry after incarceration.
Civil court burdens: garnishment of $600$ per month due to child support debt; despite unemployment, the civil system enforced support and penalties.
Employment struggle: Tomás worked over $60$ hours per week across two jobs; unemployment rose during the Great Recession; 2010–2011 period highlighted structural barriers to employment for people with felony records.
Collateral consequences: the combination of criminal and civil penalties (child support, probation requirements, employment readiness programs) created enduring barriers to stability.
Research impetus: sparked interest in how civil courts and collateral consequences affect post-incarceration life and reentry, beyond the criminal justice system (Prison Policy Initiative, 2018).
Activism and scholarship focus: current work concentrates on improving living conditions for formerly incarcerated people and abolishing prisons; adopts a scholar-vist model (Green, 2018).

Structural Violence in Academia: Elitism, Racism, and Classism in a Doctoral Program

Doctoral entry experience: entering an elite program while supporting Stephanie in public school.
Perceived identity: treated as a diversity admit or as a lower-status student due to past gang membership and economic background.
Classroom incidents: a professor displayed racist behavior (commenting on a misaddressed exam scores with a stereotype about race); an administrator advised not to highlight the incident to protect future career prospects.
Ideological clash: confrontations with a professor promoting jail-as-solution rhetoric; the professor justified views with “statistics” while ignoring broader structural violence and psychological trauma of incarceration (Anderson et al., 2016; Ortiz & Jackey, 2021).
Epistemic arrogance: critique of positivist, abstract empiricism that rewards grants and high-impact journals over justice-oriented knowledge.
Personal consequences: racism and classism contributed to mental health challenges and a decision to leave the program temporarily; later, leadership as President of the Criminal Justice Doctoral Students’ Association.
Structural barriers: faculty resistance to student-led reform; difficulty finding a supportive committee; eventual formation of a committee with sociologists and anthropologists to defend dissertation progress.
Outcome: earned the Ph.D. in 2015 but experienced ongoing mistreatment; commitment to supporting students of color and those facing systemic barriers in doctoral programs.

Scholarvist Identity and Critical Criminology: Influences and Principles

Intellectual influence: Dr. Jock Young (critical criminology) and Dr. David Brotherton shaped the author’s scholarly direction toward structural violence in the criminal justice system.
Core shift: from pathologizing individuals to critiquing systemic oppression and advocating for marginalized communities.
Definition of scholarvist: a scholar-activist who prioritizes real-world impact over academic prestige; rejects the ivory tower approach and championed in-classroom and field-level engagement with justice-involved populations.
Gender and race considerations: recognizes that academia is also sexist and that women of color experience amplified structural violence due to intersectionality (Patton, 2010; Savigny, 2014; Krefting, 2003; Regner et al., 2019).
Methodological stance: critical criminology that challenges conventional research on gangs and crime by foregrounding structural causes and lived experiences.
Commitment to social justice: aims to dismantle structural violence in academia and society, aligning scholarship with advocacy and community uplift.
Personal identity: embraces a mentor-like role, prioritizing those in the trenches over conventional academic advancement.

Radical Compassion in Teaching: Pedagogical Innovations

Teaching philosophy: radical compassion in classrooms inspired by Dr. Thompkins’ example.
Student-centered approach: emphasis on addressing students’ needs and removing trauma-inducing assessment formats when possible.
Exam policies: elimination of exams in most courses to reduce stress and trauma for students facing life hardships.
Flexibility and inclusion: adaptive assignments and inclusive pedagogy intended to support all students, including those experiencing life crises.
Vision for academia: a move away from rewarding prestige metrics to fostering inclusive, justice-oriented education that serves marginalized students and communities.

Activism and Leadership: Human Rights and Reentry Advocacy

Leadership roles: President of the local Human Rights Commission; Executive Board member of Mission Behind Bars and Beyond (MB3), a reentry nonprofit in Kentucky.
Mentorship and support: mentoring formerly incarcerated women navigating the criminal justice system.
Personal parallel: sees the pain of incarcerated individuals reflected in husband Tomás and Uncle Apache; uses personal experiences to guide advocacy and mentorship.
Broader mission: to use privilege and position to uplift others and reduce structural violence affecting justice-involved people.

Conclusion: From East New York to the Ivory Tower—and Beyond

Summative message: education and gang membership were the pathways that led from East New York to academia, but the ivory tower itself can be toxic and exclusionary.
Commitment to transformation: pledges to dismantle elitism in academia and to build welcoming structures for all people.
Core motto: no human being is beyond redemption; the author remains dedicated to survivors of the criminal injustice system.
Ongoing work: continuing scholarship, teaching, and activism centered on survivors and marginalized communities; rejection of passive acceptance of the status quo.

Philosophical and Practical Implications: Synthesis

Ethical stance: prioritizes justice, compassionate pedagogy, and advocacy over traditional scholarly prestige.
Practical implications: removal of exams, flexible assignments, inclusive curricula, and mentorship structures designed to support students facing structural barriers.
Policy and practice: highlights systemic failures in policing, sentencing, and reentry processes; advocates for abolitionist and transformative approaches to criminal justice.
Real-world relevance: situates scholarly work within the lived experiences of marginalized communities, ensuring research translates into tangible improvements for incarcerated persons and those in gangs.

Key References and Concepts (selected)

Structural violence definition and framework: Lee (2019) $p. 123$ .
Poverty and PTSD in inner-city youth: Mazza & Reynolds (1999); Citizen (2019).
School-to-prison pipeline and punitive discipline: Morris & Perry (2016); Irwin, Davidson, & Hall-Sanchez (2013); Mallett (2016).
Gangs as protective community functions: Venkatesh (2008); Decker & Lauritsen (2002).
Restorative justice and mediation: Payne & Welch (2015).
Radical compassion and scholarvist model: Van Cleve (2020); Green (2018).
Critical criminology and influence of Jock Young and Dave Brotherton: Young; Brotherton.
Structural racism and academia: Savigny (2014); Patton (2010); Krefting (2003); Regner et al. (2019).
Post-incarceration barriers and collateral consequences: Pager (2003); Prison Policy Initiative (2018); Pearson (2004); Montalvo & Ortiz (2020).
Public defender dynamics and plea-bargaining culture: NACDL (2018); Schoneman (2018); Weiss (2019).