Lecture 14 - America's Suburb
Racial restrictive covenants
- Private deeds restricted nonwhite ownership or occupation; common from late 19th century, spreading in early 20th
- Form: covenant in deed appendix/article barring sale, rent, or lease to minorities (often Black, plus Jews, Chinese, Japanese, Mexicans)
- Diffusion spurred by urbanization and race riots (1917–1921); National Association of Real Estate Boards promoted them
- Enforcement and diffusion depended on initial policy outcomes and later reinforcement by federal housing policy after 1933
- 1926 Corrigan v. Buckley upheld enforcement; 1948 Supreme Court reversed practice, making covenants unenforceable by courts but not instantly erased from memory or practice
Los Angeles context (early 20th century)
- Black population in LA surged 1900–1920; most African Americans confined to a few areas (spatial ghetto) by covenants and policy
- Central Avenue became a Black neighborhood; Mexicans established Barrios as ethnic enclaves
- Ghettos/ethnic enclaves reflected external racial barriers, not purely internal community choice
Postwar migration and racial climate (1940s–1950s)
- African American population in LA grows by >100{,}000 between 1940–1950
- June 1943: Zoot Suit Riots in LA; clashes between white servicemen and Mexican American youths; violence and arrests biased against Mexican Americans
- Interdependence Day (July 4, 1945): urban leaders promoted racial harmony; but postwar realities persisted
- 1946: Proposition 11 (FEPC) sought to outlaw racial/religious job discrimination; faced strong opposition from business and labor coalitions
- 95% of job openings were effectively restricted by race, creed, religion, gender, or national origin in state employment services at the time
Civil rights policy landscape in California
- FEPC push tied to wartime democracy ideals; opposition argued tolerance cannot be forced by law
- Proposition 11 defeated in 1946; 1960s data showed continued de facto segregation in labor markets
- 1961 Saxton observed skilled trades in CA were 99% white; described as “genteel apartheid”
- Rumford Fair Housing Act (early 1960s): banned housing discrimination and empowered FEPC to enforce housing rights
- Proposition 14 (1964): constitutional amendment exempting real estate developers and landlords from anti-discrimination laws; passed with wide margins (≈2:1 in favor)
- Proposition 14 framed as protecting property rights, but perpetuated segregation and discriminatory housing patterns
Southern California cases and patterns (postwar examples)
- Allied Gardens (Van Nuys, 1948): housing ads barred non-Caucasians despite covenants; reflects postwar resistance to integration
- 1953 Compton confrontation: Alfred Jackson and family faced mob; violence and intimidation to keep Compton white
- 1950s–60s: local authorities and real estate groups used law, vigilante actions, and zoning to maintain racial boundaries
- Fontana tragedy (Short family, 1945–1953): vigilante threats; family burned in home while seeking suburban shelter; authorities ruled accident despite evidence of racial violence
- San Fernando Valley housing search (1951): Reverend Lacey denied rental due to race; Wells family filed FEPC complaint; racism in housing access common
- 1960s: rising suburban Latino homeownership despite barriers; many communities in LA region remained segregated by design and practice
Latino suburbanization and neighborhood dynamics
- Postwar veterans (>$30{,}000$ in area) sought GI benefits and suburban homes; many faced discrimination
- Pico Rivera and nearby areas became Latino suburban corridors (Monterey Park, Montebello, El Monte, Downey, Bell, etc.)
- Pico Rivera (1960 census): 81.5 ext{ extpercent} owner-occupied structures; Latino households represented 23.9 ext{ extpercent} of population; indicates growing but targeted integration
- Suburbs offered homes but often linked to segregation by race/ethnicity; families navigated barriers, sometimes signaling heritage as a strategy to access housing
Mexican American experiences in postwar suburbs (illustrative stories)
- Manuel Gonzalez (1951): WWII veteran denied loan and housing in GI tract despite eligibility; forced to seek housing in restricted areas
- Arce Trujillo family: moved to Aliso Village public housing; postwar eviction pressures and rising rents led to relocation to Pico Rivera; family kept ties to East LA barrios
- Suburban strategies: some families refused to abandon urban roots; others pursued Spanish-descended identities to facilitate housing access, while acknowledging ongoing segregation
Takeaways
- Postwar California saw persistent, system-wide racial housing barriers rooted in covenants, zoning, lending, and vigilante action
- Public policy (FEPC, Rumford Act) attempted to curb discrimination but faced strong political and economic opposition; full desegregation lagged
- Southern California’s housing landscape was shaped by deliberate planning to separate by race and class, producing multiple Los Angeleses (and more) with lasting legacies
- Mexican American suburbanization illustrates both barriers and mobility: strides toward ownership, yet within a context of ongoing discrimination and cultural ties to urban barrios
- The events through the 1950s–1960s set the stage for the more overt civil rights struggles of the mid-1960s and beyond, including a push toward more equitable housing policy