T12

Exam Information

  • Exam Date: Wednesday, 11/06/2025 at 13:30.

  • Location: 460.2.029 ECL 1 - Lecture Theatre [Rows 9-13].

  • Duration: 120 minutes plus reading time.

  • Accommodations: Access plan student accommodations are managed by the Exams Office.

  • Format: Answer 5 out of 9 questions.

  • Time per question: Approximately 20 minutes.

  • Answers: Should be structured.

  • Questions: Broadly thematic, requiring responses to a proposition with examples.

  • Revision: Unit guide discussion questions are a good focus.

Liberty vs. Security: A Trade-Off?

  • Quotes:

    • Philip Ruddock (2014): "We don’t live in an ideal world… There will always be a trade-off between national security and individual rights."

    • Benjamin Franklin: "They that can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety."

  • Post-9/11: The balance between security and liberty has been intensely debated.

  • Metaphor of ‘balance’: Requires scrutiny regarding what is being weighed, what influences the balance, and who benefits.

Key Questions Regarding Liberty and Security

  • Is liberty and security a zero-sum relationship?

  • How do prevailing ideas of security influence this relationship?

  • How has this translated into policy?

  • Has there been an adequate ‘balance’ in the War on Terror, counter-terrorism, and CVE (Countering Violent Extremism) policies?

  • What constitutes security: freedom to vs. freedom from?

Baldwin's Seven Questions on Security (1997)

  • Security for whom?

  • Security for which values?

  • How much security?

  • From what threats?

  • By what means?

  • At what cost?

  • In what time period?

Perspectives on the Security vs. Liberty Balance

  • Engelmann:

    • Dangers in confusing counterterrorism/CVE with the defense of democracy.

    • Conflating the two is a misuse/misunderstanding of democracy.

  • Ashworth:

    • The notion of ‘balance’ is a rhetorical device.

    • Presupposes ‘balance’ is a worthy goal, substituting for real argument.

  • Waldron:

    • Problematic connotation of quantity and precision in the language of ‘balance’.

    • Assumption that the relation between security and liberty is a zero-sum game.

  • Zedner:

    • Fundamental rights are non-derogable (absolute).

    • Giving up liberties allows terrorists to win.

  • Neocleous:

    • The idea of ‘balance’ is a liberal myth.

    • Liberalism's key category is security, not liberty.

  • Moeckli:

    • Balancing language is based on a generalizing notion of liberty.

    • Suggests everyone's human rights are equally affected, which is rarely the case.

    • The state is not an impartial guardian but a subjective part of the security threat.

  • Yoo:

    • A protracted ‘war without end’ and sustained threat of terrorism differs from other states of emergency.

    • Some curtailment of liberties may be justified.

The US Post-9/11

  • Preventative program post-9/11:

    • Considered harsh, coercive, and pre-emptive action as necessary.

    • Altered grounds for going to war.

    • Waterboarding and other forms of torture.

    • Disappearances into ‘black site’ CIA prisons.

    • Indefinite detention of anyone labeled an enemy combatant without due process.

    • Pre-emptive violence undermined due process and restrictions on coercive state intervention.

  • Obama:

    • Rejected the false choice between ‘safety and our ideals’.

    • Return to fighting ‘within the law’.

    • Bypassed via secrecy and lack of transparency (drones, NSA, etc.).

  • Trump (1st and 2nd term):

    • Extensive use of executive orders.

    • ‘Security’ as a projection of militarized power.

    • Security as transactionalism.

    • Extreme securitization of migration.

  • Biden:

    • Revived Truman doctrine with a call to wage a ‘global struggle for freedom’.

    • Withdrawal from Afghanistan but recommitment to maintain “over the horizon” counter-terrorism capability.

    • Continuation of use of force anywhere in the world.

Evidence and Effectiveness of Security Measures

  • Little conclusive evidence: Restriction of liberties/rights is necessarily effective in enhancing societal security from terrorism and violent extremism.

  • Post-COVID-19: This question has been revisited due to wide-scale restrictions.

  • Whose security and whose liberties: Uneven and often inequitable experience.

  • Manipulation: Counter-terrorism measures can be manipulated by political or economic interests.

  • Public receptiveness: Shaped by perception of the likelihood and severity of a future attack.

  • Sense of threat: The greater the sense of threat, the lower the support for civil liberties.

  • Trust in government: The lower people's trust in government, the less willing they are to trade off civil liberties for security.

Post-9/11 Trends

  • Structural change:

    • Increased blurring of the borders between the domestic and the foreign.

    • Domestic security linked to external circumstances.

  • Organizational Change:

    • Trend of centralization and the amalgamation of police, secret service, and military tasks together with migration.

    • Examples: Homeland Security, Home Affairs, Border Force.

    • Breaking down barriers between domestic and military secret services.

  • Technological Change:

    • Increasing reliance on information technology including AI.

    • Shift away from ‘ears on the ground’ (MetaData, NSA, OSINT).

The Security State

  • Reduced scope of state activities: States have characteristically reduced activities and delegated tasks, but national security is largely an exception.

  • Impact on civil rights: The national security state has impacted civil rights and democratic political systems.

  • Resource requirements: Resource requirements have risen substantially.

  • Problems: Problems of controlling executive action in this area have become evident.

  • Effectiveness: No terrorist attacks on a scale comparable to 9/11, but whether this is a direct result of security state measures is unknowable.

  • Authoritarian governments: Have used international support for C/PVE to crack down on opposition and dissent, exploit communities, and discriminate against vulnerable groups.

  • Political illiberalism: Has also driven political illiberalism in democratic countries.

Pre-Crime

  • Definition:

    • Term coined by Philip K. Dick in 1956.

    • Perceives crime as sets of probabilities and risks.

  • Conventional vs. Emerging Practices:

    • Conventionally, crime is regarded principally as harm or wrong and ordering practices arise post hoc.

    • In emerging pre-crime practices (TC & CVE), crime is conceived essentially as risk or potential loss and ordering practices are pre-emptive.

  • Characteristics:

    • Anticipatory, risk-oriented, and society-wide responsibilising.

    • Shifts the temporal perspective to anticipate and forestall that which has not yet occurred.

    • Imposing punitive measures at increasingly earlier stages of the prosecutorial process.

    • ‘Predictive policing’ and profiling ‘at risk’ individuals or communities.

  • Challenges:

    • Can challenge fundamentals of criminal justice, such as presumption of innocence.

'Radicalized Mainstream'

  • Mainstreaming of extremism: Capture of the political middle.

  • Factors:

    • Polycrisis: Intersecting multiple crises have strained social tensions and deepened mistrust of institutions.

    • New technologies as amplifiers.

    • Celebrity influencers as endorsers.

    • Politicians as legitimisers: Pandering to far-right and conspiracy-myth endorsing population segments.

  • Shared sense of grievance and skepticism: Radicalised individuals are influencing the mainstream.

  • Stochastic terrorism:

    • The idea that influential individuals may demonise target groups or individuals, inspiring unknown actors to take up terroristic violence against them (Angove, 2023).

    • “The use of mass media to provoke random acts of ideologically motivated violence that are statistically predictable but individually unpredictable” (Hamm & Spaji, 2017).

CVE Policies and Reciprocal Radicalisation

  • Liberal Western democracies: Willingness to “trade” civil liberties for increased security in the immediate years of the War on Terror.

  • Softer CVE: Obscured this debate but also taken place in contexts of increasing illiberalism.

  • Securitization: CVE policies mark unprecedented securitization of public policies and life (Heath-Kelly and Strausz, 2019) and can be counter-productive.

  • Drivers of CVE: Extent of CVE implementation driven by both real (experience of terrorism) and socially constructed (size of Muslim minorities) threats (Shanaah & Heath-Kelly, 2022).

  • Reciprocal Radicalisation:

    • A process where different extremist groups feed off each other’s narratives and actions, escalating tensions and reinforcing each other’s ideologies.

    • Process::

      1. CVE policy targets Group A → Group A feels marginalized. Group B sees Group A as threat

      2. Group A radicalizes further → Group B (opposing group) sees this as confirmation of threat.

      3. Group B radicalizes in response → Group A sees this as confirmation of persecution.

Polarization and Reciprocal Radicalization

  • Perceived Targeting and Marginalization: CVE policies can foster a sense of stigmatization and alienation.

  • Media Amplification and Political Rhetoric: Extremist groups may use media coverage to justify their actions.

  • Community Distrust and Reduced Cooperation: Heavy-handed/targeted CVE programs can erode trust between communities and authorities.

  • Symbolic Polarization: CVE policies can become symbolic battlegrounds in broader cultural or identity conflicts.

Moving Forward

  • Evolving trends: Stochastic terrorism, ideological diversity of violent extremism, and its drivers will continue to present fundamental challenges to liberal societies.

  • Mainstreaming of extremist narratives: Will continue to test parameters of free speech and the security imperatives for evolving modes of surveillance/monitoring.

Discussion

  • How does the normalization of extremist rhetoric in mainstream political and media discourse challenge traditional approaches to counter-extremism, and what are the implications for democratic societies?