In Pursuit of Primacy – Study Notes
Introduction / Framing of the Iraq War
- Chapter contests common explanations for the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq.
- Authors: Jane K. Cramer & Edward C. Duggan.
- Core claim: war chiefly served a long-standing "U.S. primacy" agenda held by top leaders (Vice-President Dick Cheney, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, President George W. Bush), not primarily WMD, democratization, Israel-centric, or narrow oil-profit motives.
Timeline Highlights (UK & US Memos)
- 5Mar2003 – U.K. “Planning for the UK’s Role in Iraq after Saddam”.
- 7Mar2003 – Attorney-General Goldsmith’s advice to Tony Blair (legality doubts).
- 10Mar2003 – Gen. Sir Mike Jackson reports poor equipment & morale.
- 11–19Mar2003 – Intense UK correspondence on legality, troop draw-down, post-conflict tasks.
- 16Apr2003 – Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) issues “initial landscape post-Saddam”.
Hypotheses Surveyed
- Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) preventive war.
- Neoconservative “muscular Wilsonian” democratization project.
- Israel Lobby pressure.
- Geopolitical oil security.
- U.S. Primacy / Assertive Nationalism.
Evidence Against the WMD-Preventive-War Thesis
- Former CIA Director George Tenet: WMD not a principal cause.
- March 222002 UK memo (Peter Ricketts) admits no recent advance in Iraqi programs.
- Early 2002: Iraq not in U.S. intel top 5 near-term threats.
- Bush administration did NOT request National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) until Congress forced one (Sept 2002).
- Key “evidence” later proved false:
• 60000 aluminum tubes (DOE & INR disagreed; dissent buried in footnote).
• “Curveball” mobile bio-labs – uncorroborated defector.
• Niger “yellowcake” – forged documents (infamous 16 words). - October 2002 NIE: dissent scrubbed from public “white paper,” prompting Senate outrage.
- U.S. refused to aid 700 UN inspections (late 2002–March 2003); provided only ≈36 suspect sites despite Tenet’s public claim of 550.
- Post-invasion search not prioritized (Gen. James Marks: leadership “give-a-shit level was really low”).
Pattern of Threat Inflation
- Continuity from 1970s “Team B”, 1998 Rumsfeld Missile Commission, Gulf War 1990 WMD scare.
- Same actors (Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz) historically accused CIA of underestimating threats.
Profiles & Pre-9/11 Intent
Dick Cheney
- Met INC’s Ahmed Chalabi in 1997; “philosophical agreement”.
- Vice-presidential debate 2000: suggested force to remove Saddam.
- Immediately (Jan 2001) pushed funding for INC; weekly staff mtgs on toppling Iraq.
- Engineered appointments: 13/18 PNAC signatories placed in key posts (“personnel = policy”).
- Chaired National Energy Development Group: reviewed Iraqi oil maps & “Foreign Suitors” list.
Donald Rumsfeld
- PNAC signer, ardent regime-change advocate.
- 9/11 notes (Stephen Cambone): “Go massive…hit S.H. same time. Sweep it all up.”
- Viewed Iraq as proving ground for Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA).
George W. Bush
- 1999 quotes: wanted commander-in-chief glory; “have to finish the job”.
- Told Pres. Clinton (29 Dec 2000): “I’m putting Saddam at the top of the list.”
- Feb–July 2001: escalated no-fly-zone bombing; approved $700million Kuwait base upgrades.
- 12 Sept 2001: ordered staff to seek Saddam link; 17 Sept signed secret Iraq invasion planning order.
Decision-Making Process
- Declassified records show virtually no internal debate post-9/11 – invasion assumed.
- Rumsfeld memoir: Bush never even asked “whether” to go to war.
- Wolfowitz’s enclave strategy rejected, but only on tactics, not objective – Bush: “We’ll get this guy…at a time of our choosing.”
Neoconservatives & Wilsonian Democracy
- Advisers (Wolfowitz, Perle, Kagan) promoted domino-democracy vision.
- 2002 National Security Strategy (“Bush Doctrine”) cited freedom agenda.
- Archival evidence: democracy rhetoric appears Feb 282003 (AEI speech) – after decision.
- Internal planning docs focus on “stable, law-abiding Iraq,” not ideological transformation.
- Neocons later complained they were “used” then sidelined (Vanity Fair 2006 interviews).
Israel Lobby Argument
- Lobby & neocons helped sell war publicly but did not persuade top trio.
- Divergent goals: Neocons sought regional transformation, cheap oil to weaken OPEC/Saudi; Primacist core prioritized U.S. control & corporate stability (eventual State-Dept-backed oil policy, PSA system, retention of OPEC membership).
- Scorecard (simplified):
• Invade Iraq – Yes for all.
• Chalabi leader, quit OPEC, de-Ba’athify oil ministry, bomb Iran/Syria – Neocons Yes, Primacists No, Outcome No.
• 20bn arms & nuclear cooperation for Saudi – Primacists Yes, Neocons No, Outcome Yes.
Geopolitical Oil Security Perspective
- Cheney 1999 speech: warns 50m bpd extra needed by 2010; Middle East “where the prize ultimately lies.”
- Baker Institute Apr2001 report: Iraqi destabilization threatens flow; shortage could require “military intervention.”
- NEDPG maps list “Foreign Suitors of Iraqi Oil” (U.S./UK excluded under sanctions).
- Critics’ counter-arguments:
• War costs > economic benefit; big-oil prefers stability.
• Realist figures (Scowcroft, Kissinger) uneasy unless multilateral—but they accepted oil-security logic if legitimacy obtained. - Authors’ synthesis: Oil a necessary enabling factor (no oil, no war) but nested inside broader primacy ideology.
Ideology of U.S. Primacy (“Assertive Nationalism”)
- Two pillars held by Cheney & Rumsfeld since 1970s:
• Unconstrained Executive freedom of action (anti-War-Powers, use of Continuity-of-Government plans, Iran-Contra minority report).
• Overwhelming, tech-driven military superiority (embrace of RMA, constant budget increases, 1992 Defense Planning Guidance). - 1992 leaked DPG: prevent any rival power; unilateral action justified for Persian Gulf oil, WMD, terrorism.
- PNAC \textit{Rebuilding America’s Defenses} 2000: calls for permanent Gulf presence; says transformation may await “a catastrophic and catalyzing event like a new Pearl Harbor.”
- 9/11 supplied that window.
Continuity Across Decades
- Team B (1976) → Missile Commission (1998) → Iraq (2003): same people, same methodology (worst-case threat inflation), same goal (higher budgets, U.S. hegemony).
Post-War Outcomes vs. Goals
- Military demonstration of RMA ("shock and awe") achieved, but occupation costly.
- Congress, media largely impotent; executive faced little resistance – illustrates ease of war initiation under primacist ideology.
Numerical / Statistical References (selection)
- 550 suspected WMD sites cited by Tenet.
- 36 best-guess sites given to UN inspectors.
- 60000 aluminum tubes shipment.
- 16 notorious words in 2003 State of the Union.
- 700000000 (\$700 million) Kuwaiti base upgrades pre-9/11.
- 50000,000bpd additional oil demand forecast by 2010.
- 400000,000,000 barrels – upper-range Iraqi reserve estimate.
Ethical / Practical Implications & Lessons
- If war driven by elite primacy ideology, remedies lie in:
• Restoring effective Congressional war-powers oversight.
• Enhancing transparency of executive decision-making.
• Public scrutiny of threat inflation methodologies.
• Recognizing how crises (“windows of opportunity”) are leveraged to advance long-standing agendas. - Without structural checks, future administrations may repeat pattern under new pretexts (e.g., Iran, China).
Connections to Wider Scholarship & Historical Parallels
- Mirrors Snyder’s “myths of empire” thesis: great powers pursue costly expansion based on elite-propagated myths.
- Resurgence of executive dominance recalls Nixon era; post-Watergate reforms eroded by subsequent administrations.
Summary Takeaways for Exam Revision
- WMD rationale heavily fabricated; preventive-war label inaccurate.
- Neocon democracy narrative important for public persuasion but not causal for leadership decision.
- Israel lobby influential in salesmanship, not initiation.
- Oil security a key strategic backdrop but subordinate to primacy doctrine.
- Core drivers: Cheney-Rumsfeld-Bush pursuit of U.S. hegemonic flexibility & RMA showcase, exploiting 9/11 as catalyst.
- Understanding bureaucratic politics, ideological networks, and historical threat-inflation cycles crucial for analyzing U.S. foreign-policy decisions.