Hein de Haas: How Migration Really Works (2023)
Myth 1: “Migration is at an all-time high”
Main idea
De Haas challenges the common idea that the world is experiencing an unprecedented migration crisis.
News and political rhetoric often make migration seem like it is constantly increasing and getting out of control.
Things like globalization, inequality, conflict, population growth and climate change are often used to explain why supposedly more and more people are migrating.
But de Haas argues that this picture is misleading.
Migration is important, but the evidence does not show that international migration is at an unprecedented level or constantly accelerating. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
International migration has remained relatively stable
The total number of international migrants has increased over time.
But the world population has also increased, so just looking at the number of migrants can be misleading.
What matters more is the percentage of the world's population that is internationally mobile.
International migrants have remained around 3% of the world's population.
According to the chapter, this percentage has been remarkably stable over time.
So there are more migrants in absolute numbers, but there are also simply more people in the world.
Refugees are an even smaller proportion
Refugees get a lot of political and media attention, which can make them seem like a huge part of global migration.
But refugees make up only a relatively small proportion of the world's population and of international migrants.
De Haas argues that public perceptions of migration are therefore often very different from the actual numbers.
Historical migration was also massive
Large-scale international migration is not new.
European colonialism created huge movements of people across the world.
From the 19th into the early 20th century, millions of Europeans migrated abroad.
Between 1846 and 1940, around 150 million people moved across continents.
About 60 million Europeans migrated to North and South America during this period.
There were also major movements within and from Asia, including Chinese and Indian migration.
So today's migration needs to be understood in a much longer historical context. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
Migration patterns changed after WWII
One of the biggest changes was not necessarily the amount of migration, but where migrants were coming from and going to.
Before WWII, Western European countries were major sources of emigrants.
After WWII, many of these countries became major immigration destinations.
European colonial powers recruited workers from colonies/former colonies.
Migration patterns increasingly shifted toward movement from:
Africa
Asia
Latin America
Caribbean
Middle East
→ toward Europe and North America.
This made migration much more visible in Western countries.
“Global migration reversal”
De Haas describes a major reversal in global migration patterns.
Countries that had historically sent huge numbers of people abroad started receiving immigrants instead.
This can create the impression that migration itself suddenly exploded.
But a lot of what actually changed was the direction and composition of migration, not necessarily its overall global level.
Why does migration seem so much higher now?
Western countries have become more ethnically and culturally diverse.
Immigrants are therefore more visible than they were when migration mostly involved Europeans moving between Western countries or leaving Europe.
De Haas argues this can make migration feel much larger even when overall international migration rates remain relatively stable.
Important distinction:
More visible migration ≠ necessarily more migration.
Most migrants do not travel huge distances
Another misconception is that migration mostly means people moving from poor countries to wealthy Western countries.
In reality, much migration happens within regions.
People often move to neighbouring countries rather than crossing continents.
The map in the chapter shows major migration flows occurring across many different regions, not simply one huge movement from the Global South toward Europe/North America. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
Most migration actually happens within countries
This is a really important part of the chapter.
International migration gets much more attention than internal migration.
But most human migration does not involve crossing an international border at all.
People move:
between villages
from rural areas to cities
between cities
between regions within the same country
De Haas estimates that around 1 billion people are migrants in some sense:
about 3% of the world population are international migrants
about 12% are internal migrants
refugees are a much smaller percentage
The pie chart on p. 27 makes this point visually: the overwhelming majority of the world population are non-migrants, while internal migrants make up a much larger share than international migrants.
So the image of a world where everyone is increasingly crossing international borders is very misleading. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
Most people never move very far
De Haas argues that humans are generally more place-bound than migration debates make us seem.
Even when people move, they often stay relatively close to home.
Moving long distances means leaving:
family
friends
language
culture
familiar environments
These connections are a major reason most people do not simply move whenever another country offers better economic opportunities.
Development does not automatically increase migration forever
There is a common idea that modernization, transportation and communication technology will constantly make migration easier and therefore cause more migration.
De Haas argues the relationship is more complicated.
Rural → urban migration
Industrialization often causes major migration within countries.
People move from rural areas into cities for:
employment
education
services
better opportunities
This happened historically in Europe and is happening in many developing countries today.
But this does not mean migration increases forever
Once countries become more urbanized and developed, rural-to-urban migration eventually slows because there are simply fewer rural populations left to move.
Highly developed societies can actually become relatively stable in terms of internal migration.
So modernization changes migration patterns rather than producing an endless increase in migration.
Technology
Better transportation makes travel cheaper and easier.
Phones and the internet make it easier for migrants to stay connected to people back home.
At first glance, this might suggest technology automatically increases migration.
But de Haas says technology can work in both directions.
It can:
make migration easier
BUT also:
allow people to access information without moving
make remote work possible
allow people to maintain international connections from home
reduce the need for permanent migration
So technological development does not automatically mean constantly increasing migration. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
Myth 2: “Borders are beyond control”
Main idea
Another common claim is that governments have lost control of their borders.
Media and politicians often focus on:
irregular border crossings
smugglers
refugees/asylum seekers
boats crossing the Mediterranean
the US–Mexico border
This creates an image of states being overwhelmed by huge numbers of people they cannot stop.
De Haas argues this is also misleading. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
Language matters
Migration is often described using words connected to natural disasters or warfare:
waves
floods
invasions
These descriptions make migration seem:
enormous
threatening
uncontrollable
De Haas argues that this kind of rhetoric contributes to public fear.
Examples of “invasion” rhetoric
Politicians in different countries have repeatedly warned that huge populations are preparing to move into Europe or North America.
Predictions often involve millions of Africans or other migrants supposedly waiting to cross borders.
De Haas argues that these claims are often exaggerated and unsupported by actual migration patterns.
Most people migrate legally
This is one of the biggest points in Myth 2.
Despite the attention given to irregular migration, most international migration happens legally.
People enter countries through:
work visas
family migration
study visas
other authorized routes
Even many people who eventually become irregular migrants originally entered legally.
For example:
someone enters with a tourist/student/work visa
their visa expires
they stay
they are now considered an irregular migrant
So irregular migration does not necessarily mean someone secretly crossed the border. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
Why irregular migration is difficult to measure
By definition, undocumented populations are difficult to count.
Border apprehension numbers are often used as evidence of rising irregular migration.
But apprehension statistics can be misleading.
If border enforcement increases, authorities may catch more people even if the actual number attempting to cross has not increased.
The same person can also be apprehended multiple times.
So:
more apprehensions ≠ automatically more migration.
Europe and irregular migration
De Haas looks at European border-crossing data.
He argues that the numbers are much smaller than the political rhetoric often suggests.
Even during periods when crossings rise sharply, they often later decline.
The chapter's graph on registered arrivals shows major temporary spikes, especially around the mid-2010s, rather than a smooth, endless rise in irregular migration. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
Size of undocumented populations
De Haas also compares estimates of undocumented migrant populations.
The undocumented population is only a relatively small share of the overall population.
Estimates are difficult because undocumented migrants are, obviously, hard to count accurately.
But the available evidence does not support the idea that huge proportions of Western populations consist of undocumented migrants.
Illegal migration is not constantly increasing
De Haas argues that the evidence actually suggests irregular migration has often been relatively stable.
In the US, the undocumented population grew quickly in earlier decades but then stabilized.
In Europe, irregular migration fluctuates rather than constantly rising.
Numbers can increase during particular crises and then fall again.
So short-term spikes should not automatically be interpreted as evidence of a permanent trend. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
Border crossings are often cyclical
Irregular migration can rise and fall depending on:
wars/conflicts
economic conditions
labour demand
available legal migration routes
government policies
This means temporary increases should not automatically be described as proof that borders have permanently collapsed.
Most migration comes from active labour recruitment
This is another major argument.
De Haas argues that Western countries often present themselves as passive victims of immigration.
Political rhetoric makes it sound like migrants simply arrive and governments are forced to deal with them.
Historically, however, Western states and employers have often actively recruited foreign workers.
Post-WWII Europe
After WWII, European countries experienced labour shortages.
Governments and industries recruited workers from abroad.
Examples:
Britain recruited workers from former colonies and the Caribbean.
France recruited workers from North Africa and elsewhere.
Germany recruited guest workers.
Other European countries did similar things. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
United States
The US also actively recruited migrant workers.
Mexican labour migration was encouraged through the Bracero Program during and after WWII.
Employers needed workers, particularly in agriculture and other labour-intensive industries.
Migration therefore wasn't simply something happening to the US — it was partly produced by American labour demand and government policy. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
What happened when recruitment stopped?
European governments officially ended many guest-worker recruitment programs after the 1973 oil crisis.
But migration did not simply stop.
Established migrant communities remained.
Family members joined them through family reunification.
Employers still needed foreign workers in certain sectors.
This created a contradiction:
Governments publicly said they wanted less immigration
while
their economies continued to rely on migrant labour.
Labour demand remained especially strong in sectors such as:
agriculture
construction
hospitality
domestic work
care work
When governments restrict legal pathways while employers still want workers, migration can shift into irregular channels. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
Important point
De Haas argues that irregular migration is sometimes partly created by the gap between labour demand and immigration policy.
If:
employers want migrant workers
migrants want those jobs
but governments provide few legal routes
→ people may migrate or work irregularly.
So stricter policy does not automatically eliminate migration.
Borders do have control
De Haas is not saying borders are completely open.
His argument is that the claim that governments have simply lost control is exaggerated.
Governments have invested heavily in:
border enforcement
surveillance
immigration agencies
detention
deportation
States can and do influence migration.
But they also make political and economic choices that encourage certain forms of migration.
So there is a contradiction:
governments publicly talk about stopping immigration while also allowing/recruiting migrants because their economies need workers.
“Myth of invasion”
At the end of the chapter, de Haas argues that the idea of an immigrant invasion is especially misleading.
Border enforcement can have serious humanitarian consequences.
Migrants and refugees can be injured or die while trying to cross borders.
Smugglers and criminals can exploit migrants.
These are real problems.
But that does not mean wealthy countries are being invaded.
Migrants and refugees are not invading armies.
They are not entering countries to conquer territory.
De Haas argues that comparing migration to military invasion is inaccurate and encourages unnecessary fear.
The final page argues that governments, media and migration agencies can reinforce this fear through the way they describe and visually represent migration. de Haas_chapters 1 and 2
Overall — what to remember
Myth 1: Migration is at an all-time high
De Haas says the perception is much bigger than the actual change.
International migrants remain only a small percentage of the world population.
Most people do not migrate internationally.
Internal migration is much more common.
Huge international migrations happened historically too.
One of the biggest changes has been the direction, visibility and composition of migration rather than simply an explosion in total migration.
Globalization and technology do not automatically create endless increases in migration.
Myth 2: Borders are beyond control
De Haas argues that most migration is legal and states have much more control than political rhetoric suggests.
Irregular migration gets disproportionate attention.
Border apprehension figures can be misleading.
Irregular migration fluctuates rather than constantly increasing.
Western governments and employers have historically recruited migrant workers themselves.
Labour demand continues even when governments publicly promise to reduce migration.
Restricting legal migration while maintaining demand for migrant labour can actually contribute to irregular migration.
The idea of an immigrant “invasion” exaggerates the scale and nature of migration.
Big connection between the two chapters: a lot of the public debate is shaped by a gap between how migration is perceived and discussed and what migration data and history actually show.