interest groups

pluralism and its critiques

definitions (interest groups vs social movements)

interest group

  • any formal group which seeks to promote a particular policy or set of policies, and to organise to influence politics and policy-makers to achieve this policy and do not seek elected office

    • confederation of business

    • trade union congress

    • greenpeace

    • chemical industry association

social movement

  • a large informal grouping of individuals and/or organisations which aim to promote a particular political or social issue, or to promote or resist social change

    • a democracy movement → Arab Spring

    • mass demonstrations in democracies → Occupy Wall Street

    • student protests

pluralist theory of interest groups

Robert Dahl (1961) proposed a theory of interest group politics, called ‘pluralism’, which he developed from him study in New Haven, Connecticut (where Yale University is located)

  • Dahl argued that if there is open access to policy-makers and politicians, then any concerned group can influence policy outcomes

  • groups that have the most to gain/lose will organise and be able to access policy-makers, while groups that have no interests at stake will not have a say (⇒ better than elections?)

  • if one group organises on one side of an issue, another group will organise on the other side ⇒ there will be ‘countervailing power’

⇒ public officials should be ‘neutral referees’ of the battle between interest groups

⇒ policy outcome should be broadly reflective of the general will

critiques of pluralism

  • politicians are not ‘neutral referees’. if politicians seek votes, they will only listen to interest groups who share the policy preferences of their voters (or that help to win the next election) → ‘capture’ of policy-makers by particular interest groups

  • pluralism → ‘trades’ by groups, to increase public spending e.g. farmers and industry support for each other to promote subsides

  • why should people with more at stake (or have more time to lobby) have more say?

  • interest groups do not necessarily compete on an equal playing field → some groups are more able or likely to organise than others

the logic of collective action

public goods vs. private goods

public goods

  • a policy which is non-excludable and non-rivalrous

  • non-excludable ⇒ a person cannot be excluded from consuming a good whether or not they pay for the good (free-rider problem)

  • non-rivalrous ⇒ consumption by one person does not undermine the ability of another person to consume it → e.g. defence, clean air etc

private good

  • a policy which is excludable and rivalrous: some people can be excluded from consuming the good, and if one person consumes more, it reduces the amount remaining for others (e.g. parking lots etc)

example of public goods: light house

  • non excludable → once built, all ships passing through benefit from it, regardless if they contribute or not

  • non rivalrous → increase shipping in the area do not diminish benefit for each individual ships

  • we can conceptualise interest groups as seeking to provide public goods to its members

  • but the problem is, who will pay for such a project

Mancur Olson’s (1965): Logic of Collective Action

Olson explained why some groups are more able to mobilise than others and (as a result) why public goods are likely to be under-supplied while private goods are likely to be over-supplied

each individual has a ‘collective action function’:

R = (B x P) - C

where:

  • R = reward for participating in a group/social movement (protest)

  • B = benefit of the good provided by a group

  • P = probability that the action of the individual makes a difference

  • C = cost of participating

the free rider problem

  • probability of an individual making a difference (P) is very low, and people are likely to benefit (B) regardless of whether they show up

size of groups determine success in overcoming free rider problem

  • smaller groups are more able to organise because:

    • benefit for individual members are higher > increase B

    • individual contribution are more impactful > increase P

    • better able to sanction non-cooperation among members

example: US sugar program

  • sugar has sold for as high as 56 cents a pound domestically when the world market price was only 32 cents

  • costing consumers about USD 2.5 billion. why does the policy exist and persist?

  • such subside is a club goods from the societal perspective, but a form of public goods within the sector

  • there are 4570 sugar farms in the U.S.

  • if everyone consumes the same amount, the cost to each consumer is less than $10

  • each producer gets about $550,000 (assuming each farmer produces the same amount)

  • the argument becomes even more compelling when we consider the concentration of the sugar market

    • 17 huge sugar cane plantations in Florida produce > 50% of the sugar

    • the total benefit of the sugar program is $2.5 billion. hence… (2.5bil* .5)/17 = $73.5 million

  • since this payoff is so large, big growers have strong incentives to lobby to keep the program going, even if the nation’s other 4553 sugar growers free-ride

  • disparity of intensity of interest within group reduce free rider problem

implications of the logic of collective action

  • implies that the voluntary contributes toward club goods will not occur unless individual costs relative to individual benefits are small

  • often true in smaller, concentrated interest since benefits are larger relative costs, monitoring costs are low and selective inducements are great (e.g., large financial firms).

  • large, diffuse interests often cannot overcome these costs, and are likely to be underrepresented in policymaking (e.g., consumers)

  • consumer groups are especially disadvantaged relative to concentrated interest groups because the costs of subsides are small and consumers face high coordination costs

  • success of interest groups depends on their size as well as the nature of the interest (concentrated v diffused, public v private goods) that they advocate

political voice and participation

  • success and failure of interest groups, NGOs and social movements is linked to who joins and who does not join

  • participation in interest organisations and hence political voice is usually not random: who is speaking when an organisation speaks?

  • classical critique of pluralism in this respect:

“[T] he flaw in the pluralist heaven is that the heavenly chorus sings with a strong upper-class accent” - Schattschneider, E.E. (1960): The Semisovereign People: A Realist’s View of Democracy in America, p.35

  • what determines the inequality in political voice and socially biased membership in interest groups and organisations>

    • right to participate (historically)

    • motivation

    • knowledge and skills

    • money

    • time

    • location in social networks (beforehand)

  • all of these factors are linked to socio-demographic factors and socio-economic status

  • social inequality in political voice can therefore be a self-reinforcing process (Schlozman et al. 2013, chap. 1)

‘The Political Economy of Agriculture Protection’ Thies and Porche (2007)

look at what determines the level of agriculture subsides in 30 countries in East Asia, North America, Wester Europe, and Eastern Europe between 1986 and 2001

  • dependent variable → level of support in a country in a year (measured as the difference between the price a producer receives and the world price)

  • key determinants:

    • size of the agricultural sector → agricultural employment <= to test Olson’s logic

    • economic shocks → recession, fiscal crisis, terms of trade

    • comparative advantage of agricultural sector → labour productivity ratio, factor endowment ratio

  • political factors:

    • veto players (e.g. coalition govt.)

    • federalism

    • constituency (1=upper house territorially elected)

    • party fragmentation (no. of parties)

    • election year

impact of political institutions

interest group access and political institutions

  • access-seeking is one core strategy of inside lobbying by interest groups attempting to influence public policy (Bouwen 2004; Hansen 1991)

  • each political system has different entry points for interest groups. these are also called policy-making venues of simply “venues” in the public policy literature

  • hence, the institutional design is a key factor for effective interest group access and success

  • some doors are open in some countries but closed in other contexts

  • interest groups and lobbyists need to know which venues are most promising for realising their policy preferences in the political decision-making process

  • interest groups can target multiple venues to pursue their goals. this process is called “venue shopping” (Baumgartner and Jones 2009)

factors for interest group success

  • size of the groups

  • does interest group represent:

    • public vs private goods

    • concentrated vs diffuse interests

  • who is organised? and who isn’t? social bias in membership

  • insider or outsider status ⇒ linked to corporatism vs pluralism divide

  • institutional design and number of entry points or venues

two views of interest groups “Lobbying”

lobbying is bad for democracy

  • lobbying enables concentrated (private) interests to mobilise to influence policies, while diffuse (public) interests cannot access policy-makers too easily; lobbyists reinforce inequalities in access to politics

  • lobbying goes against the effects of the democratic electoral process

lobbying is good for democracy

  • gives more influence to those who has more at stake

  • opportunity to participate in policy making beyond voting

  • lobbying by interest groups provides vital information to policy-makers and politicians, who cannot be experts on all issues or accurately evaluate the impact of policies; lobbyists reduce information costs

alternatives to pluralism

alternative models to pluralism

corporatism (e.g. Schmitter, 1974)

  • the state grants privileged access to the ‘two sides of industry’: business and labour → e.g. German collective wage bargaining

neo-pluralism (e.g. Lindblom, 1977)

  • the state provides subsides and access to groups which represent diffuse (public) interests ⇒ artificially creating a ‘level playing field’ → e.g. EU funding of environmental and consumer groups

⇒ all these models involve a more active role of the state to support or promote groups which are less likely to be able to mobilise (to influence policy-makers) in an open pluralist model

⇒ disparity between insider v outsider groups

⇒ is this levelling the playing field? or simply introducing further bias/enabling state meddling the discourse?

corporatism vs pluralism (Schmitter 1974)

corporatism can be defined as a system of interest representation in which the constituent units are organised:

  • compulsory

  • noncompetitive, hierarchally ordered

  • recognised or licensed (if not created) by the state and granted a deliberate

  • representational monopoly

pluralism can be defined as a system of interest representation in which the constituent units are organised:

  • voluntary

  • competitive, nonhierarchally ordered

  • not specially licensed, recognised, subsidised, or created by the state

  • do not exercise a monopoly of representational activity within their respective categories

institutional context and membership

  • Iceland and Sweden, together with Denmark, Finland and Belgium, apply the “Ghent-system”

  • you have to be member of a union to become member of the regular unemployment insurance (private goods increase incentive to join)

  • this explains the high membership shares in these countries (⇒ artefact)

  • it also reflects a state-granted privilege for unions

  • that state can (artificially) create privileges/monopoly for interest organisations

when does business lose?

  • Dür et al. (2015) investigation under which conditions business lobbying in the EU fails

    • data are interviews with commission officials who were asked to locate the policy-position of political actors on a scale 0-100

    • success defined as the extend these group are able to change the policy outcome from the initial proposal by the commission

  • in contrast to critiques of pluralism, business interests do not always have success in lobbying in the EU

  • citizen groups can under certain circumstances (i.e. when European Parliament was involved in the process) have more success (⇒ neo-pluralism in EU could have ‘levelled the playing field’)

in Sum

  • pluralistic model of interest group politics would lead to bias policy outcome in favour of smaller groups/concentrated interest

  • alternative model of interest group politics that tries to use state power to create a more levelled playing field for different groups, to different degrees of success

  • should the state become an active player? is it creating more problem than it solves?

  • politics matter! success of interest group is also dependent on political institutions as it determine opportunities and opening for lobbying