Comprehensive Study Guide: UK Electoral Systems and Electoral Systems in the UK

3 Electoral Systems: Specification Coverage and Key Debates

These notes provide a comprehensive overview of the UK Politics specification regarding electoral systems, covering the following sections:

• 3.1 Different electoral systems: First-past-the-post ($FPTP$), Additional Member System ($AMS$), Single Transferable Vote ($STV$), and Supplementary Vote ($SV$). This includes their advantages, disadvantages, and comparisons between $FPTP$ and systems used in devolved parliaments.

• 3.3 Electoral system analysis: Debates on why various systems are used, their impact on the types of government appointed, and their effect on party representation and voter choice.

Key Debates

1. Whether First Past The Post should be replaced with a more proportional electoral system.

2. The specific benefits and drawbacks of the different systems currently in use across the UK.

3. The impact of these various systems on the broader UK political process.

Potential Essay Questions

• Evaluate the view that First Past The Post is the most effective electoral system currently in use in the United Kingdom ($30$ marks).

• Evaluate the view that First Past The Post Electoral System should be scrapped for UK General Elections and replaced with a different system ($30$ marks).

• Evaluate the view that proportional electoral systems have fundamentally affected the political process in the UK ($30$ marks).

• Evaluate the view that the emergence of multiple parties in the UK means that the Westminster electoral system must be changed ($30$ marks).

• Evaluate the view that the various electoral systems in use in the UK make significant differences to party representation ($30$ marks).

How To Judge Electoral Systems: Criteria for Excellence

When evaluating electoral systems, students must weigh different criteria for success. No single system delivers perfectly on all metrics; the challenge lies in deciding which criteria are most important.

1. Voter Choice

• Definition: The degree of influence and selection power granted to the electorate.

• Factors:

  • The number of votes per voter and the ability to vote for multiple parties/candidates.

  • The total number of candidates/parties standing for election.

  • The degree of influence a vote has on the final outcome and consistency of that influence across different voters.

2. Representation and Proportionality

• Definition: The correlation between the percentage of votes cast and the percentage of seats won.

• Assessment: The closer the correlation, the more proportional the system. A system is judged by whether it ensures every vote contributes to the outcome.

3. Link Between Representative and Represented

• Definition: The strength of the relationship and responsiveness between the MP and their constituents.

• Factors:

  • The number of representatives allocated per voter.

  • Whether the representative serves a specific community (e.g., a defined geographical area).

4. Type of Government and Politics

• Definition: The political environment and governance structure produced by the system.

• Factors:

  • The level of cooperation required in parliament and governance.

  • The strength and stability of the government (e.g., single-party majority vs. coalition).

5. Functions of Elections

• Representation: Choosing individuals to speak for a community.

• Choosing a Government: Granting legitimacy to the executive branch.

• Accountability: Allowing voters to review and potentially replace current representatives and governments.

• Participation: Providing a primary mechanism for citizens to engage with policy manifestos.

First Past The Post (FPTP)

Operation and Usage

• Where used: UK General Elections, local council elections in England and Wales, and mayoral elections in England.

• Mechanism: Voters cast a single vote for one candidate in their constituency.

• Constituencies: There are $650$ constituencies, each electing a single Member of Parliament ($MP$). The average constituency size is approximately $75,000$ voters.

• Simple Plurality: The candidate with the most votes wins (even without a majority). The party with the overall majority of $MPs$ forms the government.

• Timing: General elections must occur at least every $5$ years, but can be called sooner at the Prime Minister's discretion.

Advantages

• Speed and Simplicity: Results are typically known within hours of polls closing. In $1997$, Tony Blair arrived at Downing Street by $1pm$ the following day. In $2024$, Keir Starmer arrived at $12:40pm$. The first result in $2024$ (Sunderland South) was announced at $23:15$ on election night.

• Public Support/Legitimacy: In the $2011$ Alternative Vote ($AV$) referendum, $68.0\%$ of voters rejected changing the system on a $42.0\%$ turnout.

• Strong, Single-Party Governments: It promotes a two-party system with clear mandates. This allowed Thatcher in the $1980s$ to overhaul the economy and Blair in $1997$ to enact constitutional reforms. Even with less than $50.0\%$ of the vote, mandates are rarely questioned (e.g., Starmer’s $174$-seat majority in $2024$ with $33.7\%$ of the vote).

• Exclusion of Extremist Parties: Winning requires geographically concentrated support. In $2010$, the $BNP$ won $2.0\%$ of the national vote but finished no higher than $3rd$ in any constituency.

• MP-Constituency Link: Small constituencies ensure local accountability. On December $5$, $2023$, $22$ Conservative $MPs$ rebelled against a $3$-line whip to support a Labour amendment for infected blood scandal compensation, influenced by local movements (e.g., Caroline Nokes representing victimes in Romsey and Southampton North). $MPs$ typically handle $300$-$500$ emails per week and spend $40.0\%$ of their time on constituency work.

Disadvantages

• Lack of Local Representation: Over half of $MPs$ often lack a majority in their own constituency. In $2024$, $58.0\%$ of voters ended up with an $MP$ they did not vote for. Terry Jermy (South West Norfolk) won with only $26.7\%$ of the vote ($15.7\%$ of the total population).

• Disproportionality: The Gallagher Index rated the $2024$ election as the least proportional in British history. Labour won $63.0\%$ of seats with $33.7\%$ of the vote.

• Winner's Bonus: The leading party's support is exaggerated by winning marginal seats. In $1951$ and February $1974$, the party with the most seats actually received fewer votes than the second-place party.

• Harm to Minor Parties: Parties with spread-out support suffer. In $2019$, the Liberal Democrats won $11.5\%$ of the vote but only $11$ (1.7\%\) seats. In $2024$, Reform UK received $14.3\%$ of the vote but only $5$ (0.8\%\) seats.

• Limited Choice and Tactical Voting: Voters only have one candidate per party and cannot rank preferences. This leads to "wasted" votes and tactical voting (1/5 of voters intended to vote tactically in $2024$ to remove the Conservatives).

• Unequal Vote Value: Votes in marginal seats (e.g., Central Devon won by Mel Stride by only $61$ votes) are far more impactful than in safe seats (e.g., Manchester Rusholme, won by Labour with $51.9\%$ on $40.0\%$ turnout).

Additional Member System (AMS)

Operation and Usage

• Where used: Scottish Parliament, Greater London Assembly ($GLA$), and formerly the Welsh Senedd.

• Mechanism: Voters have two votes: one for a constituency representative ($FPTP$) and one for a party list (regional).

• Correction: The party list element uses the D'Hondt formula to allocate "additional" or "top-up" members to ensure the final result is more proportional.

• Example (Scotland): $73$ members are elected via constituencies; $56$ are list members.

Advantages

• Proportionality: Corrects the imbalances of $FPTP$. In the $1999$ Scottish election, Conservatives won $0$ constituency seats with $15.6\%$ of the vote but were allocated $18$ list seats to reach $14.0\%$ representation.

• Choice: Allows "split-ticket" voting. In $2021$, the Scottish Greens won $1.29\%$ of constituency votes but $8.12\%$ of top-up votes ($8$ seats).

• Stability: Despite predictions, coalition governments in Scotland and Wales have been largely stable.

Disadvantages

• Two Classes of Representatives: Creates members with and members without constituency responsibilities.

• Power of Party Leadership: Closed lists allow leaders to rank candidates, potentially marginalizing dissidents. However, "zipping" (alternating male/female candidates) allows for diversity; $53.0\%$ of the $SNP$’s $MSPs$ in $2021$ were female.

• Weakness of Small Assemblies: If there are too few top-up seats, it remains disproportional. In the $2021$ Senedd election, the Greens won $4.4\%$ of top-up votes but no seats.

• Risk of Instability: The Scottish government breakdown in April $2024$ occurred when Humza Yousaf ended the $SNP$-Green coalition over climate targets and puberty blocker policies, leading to his resignation.

Senedd Reform (Wales)

The Welsh Parliament passed the Senedd Cymru (Members and Elections) Bill in July $2024$ to replace $AMS$ with a Closed Party List System in $2026$.

Single Transferable Vote (STV)

Operation and Usage

• Where used: Northern Ireland Assembly, Scottish local councils.

• Mechanism: Multi-member constituencies (e.g., $18$ constituencies in $NI$ returning $5$ members each). Voters rank candidates numerically.

• The Quota: Candidates must reach a quota calculated via the Droop formula:     $\text{Quota} = \frac{\text{Votes Cast}}{\text{Seats Contested} + 1} + 1$

• Counting: Surplus votes from candidates who exceed the quota are redistributed. If no one reaches the quota, the bottom candidate is eliminated and their votes are redistributed.

Advantages

• High Proportionality: Strong correlation between votes and seats.

• Voter Power: Choices exist between candidates of the same party. No safe seats exist as candidates must compete for every preference.

• Conflict Resolution: In Northern Ireland, it facilitates power-sharing between rival communities (Sinn Féin and $DUP$), helping end the Troubles.

Disadvantages

• Conflict-Prone Governance: Stormont has been suspended for $40.0\%$ of its existence, including a nearly $2$-year shutdown between $2022$ and $2024$ over the Northern Ireland Protocol.

• Complexity: Counting is slow and results are difficult to understand.

• Alphabetical Bias ("Donkey Voting"): In the $2019$ $NI$ local elections, candidates listed first alphabetically were elected $85.0\%$ of the time compared to $54.0\%$ for those listed second.

Supplementary Vote (SV)

Operation and Usage

• Where used (Formerly): London Mayor, English/Welsh mayors, Police and Crime Commissioners. It was scrapped by the Elections Act $2022$ in favor of $FPTP$.

• Mechanism: Voters choose a first and second preference. If no candidate gets >50.0\% initially, all but the top two are eliminated. Second preferences from eliminated candidates are added to the remaining two.

Evaluation

• Advantages: Ensures the winner has broad support. Sadiq Khan attained the largest personal mandate in British history under $SV$. It is simple and has allowed independents (e.g., $12$ of $40$ $PCCs$ in $2012$) to win.

• Impact of Change (Bedford Case Study): In the $2023$ Bedford Mayoral election, the switch to $FPTP$ allowed Conservative Tom Wooton to win with just $33.0\%$ of the vote, ousting the Liberal Democrat mayor (32.0\%\) despite the likelihood that the $24.0\%$ Labour vote would have transferred to the Lib Dems under $SV$.

Comparison Summary Table