History of the Black Consciousness Movement

In 1968, black students at a University Christian Movement conference met separately to discuss the "72-hour clause," which restricted their stay in white areas.
The meeting led to discussions about forming a black organization.
This led to the launch of the South African Students Organisation (SASO).
SASO was described by Sam Nolutshungu in 1982 as "the single most important development in the internal politics of South Africa in the period 1967-76."

SASO, the Black Peoples Convention (BPC), and other organizations of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) mobilized black people and broke the political lull since the banning of the African National Congress and the Pan African Congress in 1961.
The launch of SASO introduced Black Consciousness philosophy into the South African political landscape.
The BCM mobilized and created the impetus for the 1976 uprising, leading to an exodus of young people who joined exiled liberation movements.

Following the mass banning of BC organizations on October 19, 1977, the Azanian People’s Organisation (AZAPO) was launched in April 1978 to carry the torch of black consciousness.

The need for a BC organization in exile led to the formation of the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania (BCMA) in 1980 in London.
The BCMA expanded with chapters and offices in Botswana, Zimbabwe, England, USA, Canada, France, Belgium, and Germany.
Onkgopotse Tiro was assassinated in Botswana.
While AZAPO mobilized within South Africa, the BCMA waged a political struggle in exile and formed the Azanian National Liberation Army (AZANLA).
AZANLA sent militants for military training in Libya, Eritrea, and China and engaged apartheid forces within South Africa.

After the 1977 bannings, the black consciousness movement reorganized and launched organizations such as the Congress of South African Students (COSAS), the Azanian Students Organisation (AZASO), and the Port Elizabeth Black Civic Organisation (PEBCO).
AZAPO launched the Azanian Students Movement (AZASM) and Azanian Youth Organisation (AZAYO) to dominate student and youth politics.
AZAPO campaigned for the cultural boycott of apartheid South Africa.

By the late 1980s, the apartheid regime faced mounting pressure from internal struggles, sanctions, and economic decline (capital flight, falling exchange rate of the Rand, and rising inflation).
Afrikaner intellectuals began exploring a negotiated settlement with the ANC in exile, leading to the Dakar Conference of 1987 where 61 South Africans (mostly Afrikaans-speaking) met with 17 members of the ANC.
Discussions also occurred with Nelson Mandela during his incarceration.
By August 1989, the OAU’s Subcommittee on Southern Africa adopted the Harare Declaration, encouraging negotiations to end apartheid and transform South Africa into a non-racial democracy.

The Harare declaration was followed by the unbanning of liberation organizations and the announcement of Mandela's release.
By May 4, 1990, the apartheid regime and the ANC met and agreed on the Grooter Schuur Minute, followed by the Pretoria Minute in August 1990.
The BCM(A), AZAPO, and the PAC met in Kadoma, Zimbabwe, to assess the situation and determine their position on negotiations, emphasizing the need for unity and a broad-based Patriotic Front.
They agreed on a democratic Constituent Assembly elected on a one-person, one-vote basis to democratize the system.
The Kadoma Consultation reiterated that the means to democratize the system was via a Constituent Assembly elected on a one person. one vote basis for all Azanians over the age of 18 voting on a common voters roll in a unitary state.
They resolved that negotiations should discuss the transfer of power from the minority to the majority through an elected Constituent Assembly at a neutral venue under an impartial chairperson.
The BCM insisted on open negotiations and would not compromise on one person, one vote in a unitary Azania, and land and wealth redistribution.

AZAPO demanded that participants in apartheid structures withdraw as a precondition to joining the Patriotic Front launch conference.
When AZAPO refused to withdraw this demand, the ANC and PAC expelled it from the convening committee.
The National Party organized its own meeting with allies, including Bantustan leaders and parties from the tri-cameral parliament, some of whom were founding members of the Patriotic Front, highlighting AZAPO's concerns.

The ANC and National Party agreed on multi-party talks (CODESA) to discuss constitutional principles, a constitution-making body, and transitional arrangements.
AZAPO rejected the CODESA invitation, maintaining its principled stance.
The PAC initially withdrew from the CODESA steering committee due to bilateral agreements between the National Party and the ANC but later rejoined.

In 1993, AZAPO decided not to participate in the 1994 general elections, rejecting the interim constitution based on the Kempton Park negotiations.
AZAPO argued that the agreements entrenched property rights, legitimizing the dispossession of black people.
They also opposed the retention of government positions by apartheid regime officials and the guaranteed government of national unity.
AZAPO advocated for meaningful material change in the lives of black people as a result of the elections.
Steve Biko called for “one man, one vote” as early as the 1970s and suffrage for all people dating back to the 19th century.

AZAPO distinguished between the liberal notion of freedom as “freedom from” and the radical conception of freedom as “freedom to.”
While the 1994 elections brought freedom from legal discrimination, AZAPO sought freedom to realize one’s full potential in cooperation with others.

Following the return of exiles, the BCMA and AZAPO merged in 1994, retaining the name Azanian People’s Organisation (AZAPO).
In 1999, AZAPO participated in the National Elections for the first time due to the adoption of the 1996 South African Constitution, which allowed a party or coalition with a 2/3 majority in parliament to change it.

AZAPO President Mosibudi Mangena served in government as Deputy Minister of Education and Minister of Science and Technology.
AZAPO remains committed to the Black Consciousness philosophy and draws inspiration from figures like Steve Biko and Onkgopotse Tiro.
AZAPO aims for the total abolishment of political oppression, economic exploitation, marginalization, and social degradation of black people.
AZAPO mobilizes for a state and society where the free development of all is a necessary condition for the free development of one.