Syntactic Change, Pro-Drop Parameter, Word Order Shifts & Internal Reconstruction – Detailed Study Notes
Syntactic Change: Core Themes Covered in the Lecture
The session revisits last week’s introduction to historical-syntactic change and then widens the discussion to word-order change, inversion, and methods of historical reconstruction. Examples come mainly from English (Old → Modern) but constant cross-reference is made to Italian, French, Sinhala, Tamil, German, etc.
The Extended Projection Principle (EPP)
- EPP = “Every clause must have a subject.”
• The subject may be overt (pronounced) or covert (silent).
• Even clauses where no phonetic subject is heard must satisfy the subject requirement semantically or syntactically. - Interfaces: EPP interacts with Theta Theory (every argument gets exactly one thematic role) and with Case Theory (every overt DP needs Case).
Two Kinds of Null Subjects (PRO/pro)
| Label | Also called | Typical clause type | Government status | Quick mnemonic |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| BIG PRO | “capital PRO” | Infinitival / non-finite (English to-clauses) | MUST sit in an ungoverned position | Only in infinitives |
| small pro | “little pro” | Fully finite clauses | Occupies the canonical subject slot, | |
| satisfies EPP | Only in languages that allow pro-drop |
Big PRO in English
Example: “We would like [PRO to leave].”
• The subject inside the infinitival bracket has no phonetic form, but it is semantically controlled by the matrix clause subject (“we”).
• GB terms: the position of PRO is ungoverned; hence PRO cannot occur where a lexical governor (V, N, A, P) has authority.
Government (GB theory refresher)
- Governors = lexical heads (V, N, A, P) that assign Case and theta-roles downward.
- If a position is governed, PRO cannot occupy it.
- Illustration given with VP shells and PP projections showing how V or P governs its complement.
The Pro-Drop (Null-Subject) Parameter
A cross-linguistic ON/OFF switch formulated as:
\text{Does every finite clause require an overt subject?}=\begin{cases}
\text{ON (YES)} & \text{Non-pro-drop languages}\
\text{OFF (NO)} & \text{Pro-drop languages}
\end{cases}
Pro-Drop Languages (Parameter OFF)
Spanish, Italian, Greek, Japanese, Mandarin, Arabic, Sinhala, Tamil …
• Rich verbal agreement morphology frequently correlates with the ability to recover the silent subject (“null subject”) from the verb endings.
• Example (Italian): “Parla italiano.” → subject pronoun ("lui/lei") omitted; agreement –a tells us 3sg.
Non-Pro-Drop Languages (Parameter ON)
English, French, German …
• Require an overt lexical or expletive subject (it, there).
• Ø speaks Italian is ungrammatical in English/French.
Mixed Evidence & Morphological Richness
- Sinhala today: permits pro-drop even though verbal agreement is virtually absent – shows that rich agreement is a strong but not strictly necessary correlate.
Diachronic Shift of the Parameter: Old ↔ Modern English
- Old English (OE) allowed null pronominal subjects; Modern English (ModE) does not.
• OE example glossed: “Ø sceal weorðan …” (‘shall become’). - Explanation: during acquisition children increasingly heard sentences with overt pronouns; over generations the parameter flipped from OFF → ON.
- This illustrates how parameter settings can change through historical time.
Word-Order Change and Case Marking
Basic Typological Facts
- Languages classify according to canonical order of Subject (S), Object (O), Verb (V):
– Predominant types: SOV, SVO, VSO (others rarer). - Distinguishing subject vs. object can be done via:
– Morphological case, or
– Rigid word order, or
– Both.
Old English → Middle/Modern English
- OE had an extensive case system, therefore more flexible word order.
- Main clauses showed verb-second (V2): the finite verb occupies the second position regardless of what precedes it. Example patterns:
– S V O (when subject initial)
– XP V S O (when topicalizing an adverb, object, etc.) - Embedded clauses and object-pronoun clauses often S O V.
- Loss of overt case endings in Middle English made word order the primary cue. Fixed Subject–Verb–Object (SVO) order emerged as default.
Evidence from Morphological Fossils
- Compounds like “apple-tree, bread-knife” (object + verb/noun) preserve relic SOV ordering.
- Early Germanic inscription “ek HlewagastiR holtijaR horna tawido” (‘I, Hlewagastir Holtijar, made the horn’) exhibits S O V pattern.
Inversion in Yes–No Questions
| Stage | What may move to preverbal position? | Example |
|---|---|---|
| Old / Middle English | Any finite verb (lexical or auxiliary) | “Speak they?” / “Can they speak?” |
| Modern English | ONLY auxiliaries; lexical verbs need DO-support | “Can they speak?” vs. *“Speak they?” (✱) |
- German still allows lexical verb inversion: “Ich gehe.” → “Gehe ich?”
- Tracks a syntactic change where head-movement became restricted to functional (auxiliary) heads.
Other Historical-Syntactic Phenomena Mentioned
- Evolution of pronominal binding (reflexives, reciprocals, etc.).
- Discontinuous noun-phrase structures.
- Loss or development of agreement markers.
- Shifts in placement of complementizers and clitics.
Internal Reconstruction: Methodological Primer
Purpose
Infer older stages of one language using only internal alternations and irregularities—no comparison with sister languages required.
Key Concepts
- Attested vs. Unattested stages
• Attested = documented in manuscripts, inscriptions, recordings.
• Unattested = no direct record; must be reconstructed. - Asterisk (*) marks a reconstructed (hypothetical) form, distinct from the ✱ that marks “ungrammatical” in synchronic syntax.
- Result notation: “Pre-English”, “Pre-Sinhala”, etc.
- Recovers conditional changes (context-sensitive) better than unconditional ones.
Classic English Example
Alternation long ~ long-er vs. strong ~ strong-er
- Observe nasalisation: /ŋg/ → /ŋ/ before a now-lost /g/.
- Reconstruct underlying forms: *lɔŋg,\ *strɔŋg → later /g/ deletes after /ŋ/, leaving nasal trace.
Workflow
- List morphophonemic alternations, suppletions, irregular paradigms.
- Posit a “more regular” earlier form.
- Formulate a historical rule (sound change, analogy, etc.) that derives the modern irregular surface forms.
- Label the earlier stage with an asterisk (Pre-X).
Comparative vs. Internal Reconstruction (Contrast)
- Internal: one language, exploits alternations inside that language.
- Comparative: two or more related languages, reconstructs their common ancestor (the proto-language).
- Often combined: internal reconstruction may push a stage further back before applying comparative reconstruction to a language family.
Ethical, Philosophical & Practical Take-Aways
- Parameter-based change reminds us language is a biological-cognitive system subject to child acquisition pressures.
- Null-subject hierarchies raise questions about how much morphology is needed to license silent syntax.
- Language documentation is crucial; unattested stages force us into hypotheticals.
- Reconstruction (internal or comparative) is probabilistic, never absolute—hence the asterisk.
Key Terms Glossary
• EPP (Extended Projection Principle)
• PRO (big) vs. pro (little)
• Governor / Government (GB theory)
• Pro-drop / Null-Subject Parameter
• Expletive / Dummy subject
• SOV, SVO, V2
• Inversion, DO-support
• Internal Reconstruction, Comparative Method
• Attested / Unattested, Asterisk notation
Connections to Previous & Future Lectures
• Builds on last week’s introduction to syntactic change and PRO-theory.
• Provides groundwork for the upcoming lecture on the Comparative Method and additional reconstruction techniques.
Suggested Readings & Practice
- Lyle Campbell, Historical Linguistics – chapters on syntactic change & reconstruction.
- Mark Hale & Charles Reiss, The Phonological Enterprise – conditional vs. unconditional change.
- Try applying internal reconstruction to Sinhala verb agreement remnants or Tamil case morphs.