liberalism
The basics of liberalism
Liberalism is based on the moral argument that ensuring the right of an individual person to life, liberty and property is the highest goal of government. Consequently, liberals emphasise the wellbeing of the individual as the fundamental building block of a just political system. A political system characterised by unchecked power, such as a monarchy or a dictatorship, cannot protect the life and liberty of its citizens. Therefore, the main concern of liberalism is to construct institutions that protect individual freedom by limiting and checking political power. While these are issues of domestic politics, the realm of IR is also important to liberals because a state’s activities abroad can have a strong influence on liberty at home. Liberals are particularly troubled by militaristic foreign policies. The primary concern is that war requires states to build up military power. This power can be used for fighting foreign states, but it can also be used to oppress its own citizens. For this reason, political systems rooted in liberalism often limit military power by such means as ensuring civilian control over the military.
core problem is how to develop a political system that can allow states to protect themselves from foreign threats without subverting the individual liberty of its citizenry.
Democratic peace theory is perhaps the strongest contribution liberalism makes to IR theory. It asserts that democratic states are highly unlikely to go to war with one another. There is a two-part explanation for this phenomenon
internal restraints on lower
democracies tend to see each other as legitimate and unthreatening and therefore have a higher capacity for cooperation with each other than they do with non-democracies
desire to restrain the violent power of states. Yet, power is more diluted and dispersed internationally than it is within states.
costs for violating liberal norms. The costs can be direct and immediate. For example, the European Union placed an arms sale embargo on China following its violent suppression of pro-democracy protesters in 1989. The embargo continues to this day. The costs can also be less direct, but equally as significant
Neolibtilism
Most liberal scholarship today focuses on how international organisations foster cooperation by helping states overcome the incentive to escape from international agreements. This type of scholarship is commonly referred to as ‘neoliberal institutionalism’ – often shortened to just ‘neoliberalism
states can benefit significantly from cooperation if they trust one another to live up to their agreements. In situations where a state can gain from cheating and escape punishment, defection is likely. However, when a third party (such as an impartial international organisation) is able to monitor the behaviour of signatories to an agreement and provide information to both sides, the incentive to defect decreases and both sides can commit to cooperate
Relative gains, which relate closely to realist accounts, describe a situation where a state measures its increase in welfare relative to other states and may shy away from any agreements that make a competitor stronger.
These institutional restraints can break down if the political culture of a society does not include a strong dose of liberal norms. For example, anti-statism (a belief that the power of the government should be limited) and anti-imperialism (a belief that conquest of foreign peoples is wrong) are liberal norms. A society infused by liberal norms has an added level of restraint above and beyond the purely institutional limitations on state power. A liberal citizenry will naturally oppose government actions that threaten individual liberty and choose represen- tatives that will act on liberal preferences. The institutional separation of powers in the United States allowed Wilson to block the interventionist efforts of Congress and others
Conclusion
A core argument of liberalism is that concentrations of unaccountable violent power are the fundamental threat to individual liberty and must be restrained. The primary means of restraining power are institutions and norms at both domestic and international level. At the international level institutions and organisations limit the power of states by fostering cooperation and providing a means for imposing costs on states that violate international agreements. Economic institutions are particularly effective at fostering cooperation because of the substantial benefits that can be derived from economic interdependence. Finally, liberal norms add a further limitation on the use of power by shaping our understanding of what types of behaviour are appropriate. Today, it is clear that liberalism is not a ‘utopian’ theory describing a dream world of peace and happiness as it was once accused of being. It provides a consistent rejoinder to realism, firmly rooted in evidence and a deep theoretical tradition.
Liberalism is fundamentally based on the moral argument that the highest goal of government is to ensure an individual's right to life, liberty, and property. It emphasizes the wellbeing of the individual as the cornerstone of a just political system. Therefore, a primary concern of liberalism is to build institutions that protect individual freedom by limiting and checking political power, as unchecked power (like in a monarchy or dictatorship) cannot safeguard citizens' lives and liberties.
In the realm of International Relations (IR), liberals are particularly concerned that a state's foreign activities can impact domestic liberty. For instance, militaristic foreign policies are troubling because the military power built for external defense can also be used to oppress a state's own citizens. Thus, liberal political systems often limit military power, for example, by ensuring civilian control over the military. The core problem for liberalism in IR is to devise a political system that allows states to protect themselves from foreign threats without undermining the individual liberty of their citizenry.
One of liberalism's strongest contributions to IR theory is Democratic Peace Theory, which posits that democratic states are highly unlikely to wage war against one another. This is explained by two factors: internal restraints on power within democracies and the tendency for democracies to view each other as legitimate and unthreatening, fostering greater cooperation.
Most contemporary liberal scholarship focuses on neoliberal institutionalism (or 'neoliberalism'). This approach examines how international organizations promote cooperation by helping states overcome the incentive to defect from international agreements. If a neutral third party, such as an international organization, can monitor compliance and provide information, the incentive to cheat decreases, encouraging states to commit to cooperation and realize significant benefits. This is contrasted with relative gains, a concept closer to realist thought, where a state measures its welfare increase against others and might avoid agreements that make a competitor stronger.
Beyond institutions, liberal norms within a society, such as anti-statism (belief in limited government power) and anti-imperialism (opposition to foreign conquest), provide an additional layer of restraint on state power. A citizenry imbued with liberal norms will naturally oppose government actions that threaten individual liberty and will elect representatives who share these preferences. This normative framework, combined with institutional checks like the separation of powers, further limits the potential for unaccountable power.
In conclusion, liberalism argues that concentrations of unaccountable violent power are the fundamental threat to individual liberty and must be restrained through institutions and norms at both domestic and international levels. Internationally, institutions and organizations foster cooperation and provide mechanisms for imposing costs on states that violate agreements, with economic institutions being particularly effective due to the benefits of interdependence. Liberal norms further limit power by shaping what