20 Notes on the Transformation of Eastern Europe and German Reunification
The Quotes
François Mitterrand, November 28th 1989: 'I don't have to do anything to stop it; the Soviets will do it for me. They will never allow this greater Germany just opposite them'.
Mikhail Gorbachev, 1990: 'When we started, we did not understand the depth of the problems we faced'.
Boris Yeltsin, 1991: 'Our country has not been lucky. It was decided to carry out this Marxist experiment on us. In the end we proved that there is no place for this idea—it has simply pushed us off the path taken by the world's civilized countries'.
Milan Kundera: 'The existence of the Czech nation was never a certainty, and precisely this uncertainty constitutes its most striking aspect'.
Transformation of Eastern Europe
Following liberation from Communism, Eastern Europe experienced a significant transformation in the 1990s. This period saw the disappearance of four established states and the emergence or re-establishment of fourteen countries.
New Independent States: The westernmost republics of the Soviet Union—Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova—became independent states, along with Russia.
Czechoslovakia's Division: Czechoslovakia split into two separate countries: Slovakia and the Czech Republic.
Yugoslavia's Dissolution: Yugoslavia broke apart into its constituent units: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro, and Macedonia.
This redrawing of national boundaries was similar in scale to the impact of the Versailles treaties after World War One. However, unlike the Versailles aftermath, the transformations of the 1990s were largely unexpected.
The End of Empires and the Role of Germany
The territorial changes in the 1990s coincided with the collapse of the last of Europe's continental empires—the Russian Empire. This event was a delayed consequence of the fall of other empires, such as Ottoman Turkey, Habsburg Austria, and Wilhelmine Germany. The events in Germany significantly influenced the restructuring of Eastern Europe.
German Reunification
Helmut Kohl played a crucial role in German reunification, a unique case of fusion during a decade marked by division. Initially hesitant, Kohl recognized the urgency and possibility of a unified Germany. The primary motivation was to stop the flow of East Germans migrating west, which was occurring at a rate of 2,000 people per day.
Currency and Political Union: As in the 19th century, German unification began with a currency union, followed by political integration.
Rejection of Confederation: Initial discussions of a confederation were quickly abandoned.
East German Elections: In the East German elections of March 1990, Christian Democrat candidates campaigned on a unification platform and won 48% of the vote. The Social Democrats, who were ambivalent about unification, received only 22%. The former Communists (Party of Democratic Socialism) secured 16%, while Alliance '90, a coalition of former dissidents, garnered just 2.8%.
Formalizing Unification: On May 18th, 1990, a 'monetary, economic and social union' was signed between East and West Germany. On July 1st, the Deutschmark was extended to East Germany, with East Germans able to exchange their East German marks at a favorable rate of 1:1 (up to DM 40,000).
Wage Parity: Wages and salaries in the GDR were paid in Deutschmarks at parity, which helped retain East Germans but had long-term economic consequences.
Absorption of GDR: On August 23rd, the Volkskammer voted to accede to the Federal Republic. The Treaty of Unification was signed, absorbing the GDR into the FRG, as permitted under Article 23 of the 1949 Basic Law. On October 3rd, the GDR ceased to exist.
International Perspectives on German Reunification
Germany's division was a result of World War Two victors, and its reunification required their approval. While West Germany had some autonomy, it was not entirely free to act independently. Berlin's fate depended on the original occupying powers: France, Britain, the US, and the Soviet Union.
British Concerns: Neither the British nor the French were keen on German reunification. Douglas Hurd, the British foreign secretary, noted that they had lived 'quite happily for forty years' under the existing system.
Margaret Thatcher's Opposition: Margaret Thatcher expressed fears that German unification might destabilize Mikhail Gorbachev. She recalls a meeting with French President Mitterrand, where they discussed their concerns about the 'German juggernaut'.
French Concerns: The French were deeply disturbed by the collapse of stable arrangements in Germany and the Communist bloc. Mitterrand initially tried to block unification, even visiting the GDR in December 1989 to show support for its sovereignty. He believed that the Soviets would veto German unity.
Shifting French Strategy: After Kohl's victory in the East German elections, Mitterrand changed his approach, demanding that Germany commit to the European project under a Franco-German condominium. He insisted on an 'ever-closer' union, including a common European currency, to be formalized in the Maastricht Treaty.
The Germans agreed readily to the French conditions.
US Support for German Reunification
Initially, the Bush administration believed German unification would occur at the end of a long process of change in Eastern Europe, with Soviet consent. However, Washington quickly embraced Kohl's objectives, ensuring that Germans would not have to choose between unity and the Western alliance.
A February 1990 poll revealed that 58% of West Germans favored a united and neutral Germany, an outcome the US feared.
'4+2' Talks: Under US pressure, France and Britain agreed to discussions with the Soviet Union and the two Germanies. The '4+2' talks led to the Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany, signed in Moscow on September 12th, 1990.
Treaty Terms: The treaty recognized the borders of the future Germany, ended the four-power status of Berlin, and allowed a united Germany to remain in NATO. The Soviet Union agreed to withdraw the Red Army, completing the departure of foreign troops from Berlin within four years.
Soviet Consent and Gorbachev's Position
Gorbachev's Dilemma: Mikhail Gorbachev agreed to German unification, despite the Soviet Union's long-standing objective of maintaining the territorial status quo in central Europe. Unlike the French and British, Gorbachev was in a position to block the process but had no viable alternatives without reversing his public announcements and damaging his credibility.
Financial Concessions: Gorbachev secured financial concessions from West Germany. Initially seeking $20 billion, he settled for approximately $8 billion, plus $2 billion in interest-free credits. From 1990 to 1994, Bonn transferred the equivalent of $71 billion to the Soviet Union (and later Russia), with an additional $36 billion going to other former Communist states in Eastern Europe.
Territorial Guarantees: Helmut Kohl pledged to accept Germany's eastern boundaries as permanent, formalized in a treaty with Poland the following year.
Strategic Relationship: Moscow chose to build a strategic relationship with a friendly, Western-aligned Germany rather than make an enemy of it.
East German Sentiments and Erasure of the GDR
Mixed Feelings: While the GDR was not widely mourned, some East Germans who had grown up in the regime had mixed feelings about its disappearance. Two generations had been raised in the GDR and, despite its flaws, it had shaped their identities.
Official Propaganda: Even long after 1989, some children in eastern German schools still believed that East German troops had fought alongside the Red Army to liberate their country from Hitler.
Systematic Erasure: The GDR's history was systematically excised from the official record. Towns, streets, and buildings were renamed, often reverting to pre-1933 names. Rituals and memorials were restored, effectively erasing the GDR's existence.
Focus on Prosperity: Rather than engaging with the GDR's troubled history, former subjects were encouraged to forget it, mirroring West Germany's earlier approach. Prosperity was seen as the solution.
Economic Integration and Financial Transfers
Decrepit Infrastructure: The GDR's infrastructure was in disrepair. Two in five dwellings were built before 1914, a quarter of houses lacked a bath, a third had only an outdoor toilet, and over 60% lacked central heating.
Massive Transfers: Bonn allocated significant funds to address these issues. In the three years after unification, total transfers from West to East Germany amounted to 1.2 trillion euros. By the end of 2003, the cost of absorbing the former GDR had reached 1.2 trillion euros.
Subsidized Integration: East Germans were heavily subsidized, with their jobs, pensions, transport, education, and housing supported by increased government expenditure.
West German Discontent: To avoid upsetting West German voters, Kohl did not raise taxes, leading the Federal Republic to run deficits. The Bundesbank raised interest rates to combat inflation, impacting the European Monetary System.
Consequences and Criticisms
Gorbachev's Diminished Standing: Gorbachev's concessions on Germany contributed to his decline in domestic standing. His loss of East European satellite states and Germany made him appear careless.
Baltic Republics
The Baltic republics of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania possessed distinctive characteristics that set them apart from other regions within the Soviet Union. These characteristics played a crucial role in their push for independence.
Exposure to the West
The Baltic republics enjoyed greater exposure to Western influences compared to other Soviet regions. Estonians, in particular, had access to Finnish television since the 1970s, which made them acutely aware of the contrast between their living conditions and those of their prosperous Scandinavian neighbors. Similarly, Lithuanians, with historical and geographical ties to Poland, could observe that even under Communism, Poles enjoyed greater freedoms and better living standards.
Economic Prosperity
Despite being subject to Soviet rule, the Baltic states were relatively prosperous compared to the rest of the Soviet Union. They were major producers of a range of industrial goods, including railroad cars, radio sets, and paper products. Additionally, they were leading sources of fish, dairy produce, and cotton. This economic activity provided Estonians, Latvians, and Lithuanians with a glimpse of a higher standard of living, which was in stark contrast to the conditions experienced by most of the Soviet population.
History of Independence
The most significant distinguishing feature of the Baltic republics was their recent history of genuine independence. After initially gaining their freedom in 1919 following the collapse of the Czarist Empire, they were forcibly re-absorbed twenty years later by the Soviet Union under the secret clauses of the August 1939 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. The invasion of 1940 remained a vivid memory for many Balts, making the question of independence a central issue in the region.
The 'Russian' Question
Another critical factor was the 'Russian' question. In 1945, the Baltic republics had largely homogenous populations, with most residents belonging to the dominant national group and speaking the local language. However, by the early 1980s, the demographics had shifted significantly due to forced expulsions during and after the war, as well as a steady influx of Russian soldiers, administrators, and workers. This demographic transformation was particularly pronounced in the northern republics. In Lithuania, approximately 80% of the residents were still Lithuanian. In Estonia, ethnic Estonians constituted only around 64% of the population, while in Latvia, native Latvians made up just 54% of the population, with 1.35 million out of a total of 2.5 million. While the countryside remained predominantly Baltic, the cities became increasingly Russian and Russian-speaking, fueling resentment among the local population.
Early Protests
Initial protests in the Baltic region were focused on language and nationality issues, as well as the memory of Soviet deportations to Siberia of thousands of local 'subversives'. On August 23, 1987, simultaneous demonstrations took place in Vilnius, Riga, and Tallinn to mark the anniversary of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Three months later, a public meeting was held in Riga to commemorate the anniversary of the 1918 declaration of Latvian independence.
Emergence of Independent Groups
Emboldened by their success, independent groups and gatherings began to emerge across the region. On March 25, 1988, hundreds gathered in Riga to commemorate the Latvian deportations of 1949, followed by a demonstration in June to mark the expulsions of 1940. The Latvian Writers' Union held an uncharacteristically lively meeting, where the idea of a 'Latvian Popular Front' was discussed. Shortly thereafter, the Latvian National Independence Movement was established under the auspices of the Environmental Protection Club (EPC).
Similar Developments in Estonia
Estonia experienced a virtually identical course of events, with commemorations in 1987 and a series of environmentalist protests leading to the formation of the Estonian Heritage Society, dedicated to preserving and restoring local cultural monuments. In April 1988, the Popular Front of Estonia was established, followed by the Estonian National Independence Movement in August.
Lithuanian Challenge to Soviet Power
The most explicit challenge to Soviet power came from Lithuania, where the Russian presence was less prominent compared to Estonia and Latvia. On July 9, 1988, a demonstration in Vilnius to demand environmental protections, democracy, and greater autonomy for Lithuania attracted 100,000 people in support of Sajudis, the newly-formed 'Lithuanian Reorganization Movement'. Sajudis openly criticized the Lithuanian Communist Party for its 'subservience' to Moscow, and their banners displayed slogans such as 'Red Army Go Home'. By February 1989, Sajudis had transformed into a nationwide political party. In the elections to the Soviet Congress of People's Deputies the following month, it won 36 of Lithuania's 42 seats.
Common Baltic Trajectory
The elections in all three republics resulted in a marked victory for independent candidates, fostering a growing awareness of a shared Baltic trajectory. This was symbolically reaffirmed on August 23, 1989, with the forging of a human chain ('Hands across the Baltic') stretching 650 kilometers from Vilnius through Riga to Tallinn, commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. An estimated 1.8 million people, one-quarter of the region's entire population, participated. With the Estonian and Latvian independence movements echoing their Lithuanian counterpart and openly proclaiming national independence as their goal, confrontation with Moscow seemed inevitable.
Pressing Against the Permissible
Throughout 1989, the Baltic independence movements tested the limits of what was permissible. When the newly independence-minded Supreme Soviets of Lithuania and Latvia attempted to imitate an Estonian law from November 1988 authorizing the privatization of local state enterprises, Moscow voided the decrees, as it had previously done with the Estonian initiative.
Escalating Crisis in Germany
On October 8, 1989, the Latvian Popular Front proclaimed its intention to move towards full independence. However, the Soviet authorities, preoccupied with the escalating crisis in Germany, took no action. The statement came just a day after Gorbachev publicly warned in East Berlin that "life punishes those who delay."
Lithuanian Communist Party Split
On December 18, the Lithuanian Communist Party split, with an overwhelming majority declaring itself in favor of immediate independence. This development forced Gorbachev to respond, and he traveled to Vilnius on January 11, 1990, to advise against the proposed secession, urging 'moderation'.
Lithuanian Independence Vote
Emboldened by the electoral victory of Sajudis, Gorbachev's own success in getting the Soviet Central Committee to abandon the constitutional guarantee of the Party's 'leading role' and the '4+2' negotiations then underway, the Lithuanian Supreme Soviet voted 124-0 on March 11 to restore Lithuanian independence, symbolically reinstating the 1938 'Constitution of the State of Lithuania' and nullifying the authority in the Republic of Lithuania of the Constitution of the USSR.
Soviet Response
The Soviet rulers' response to the Vilnius declaration was an economic boycott. Unable to prevent a Lithuanian breakaway, Gorbachev was still capable of forestalling the military intervention that many of his hard-line colleagues were demanding. The boycott was abandoned in June, in return for a Lithuanian agreement to 'suspend' the full implementation of its declaration of independence.By May 1990, Gorbachev had already ceded to President Bush’s suggestion that Germany’s right of self-determination should include freedom to choose its alliances
Gorbachev’s Weakening Position
Gorbachev's efforts to rein in the Baltic initiatives had weakened his image as a 'reformer', while his failure to suppress talk of autonomy, sovereignty, and independence was stirring up resentment among his colleagues and in the army and security forces. On December 20, 1990, his Foreign Minister, Edvard Shevardnadze, resigned and warned of the growing risk of a coup.
Soviet Crackdown in the Baltics
On January 10, 1991, with the US and its allies focused on the Gulf War in Iraq, Gorbachev issued an ultimatum to the Lithuanians, demanding adherence to the Constitution of the USSR. The following day, soldiers from the elite forces of the KGB and the Soviet Ministry of the Interior seized public buildings in Vilnius and installed a 'National Salvation Committee'. Twenty-four hours later, they attacked the radio and television studios in the city, turning their guns on a large crowd of demonstrators, resulting in fourteen civilian deaths and 700 injuries. A week later, troops from the same units stormed the Latvian Ministry of the Interior in Riga, killing four people.
Opening of the Endgame
The bloodshed in the Baltics signaled the opening of the endgame in the Soviet Union. Demonstrations against the shootings drew over 150,000 people in Moscow. Boris Yeltsin traveled to Tallinn to sign a mutual recognition of 'sovereignty' between Russia and the Baltic Republics, bypassing the Soviet authorities. Referenda in Latvia and Estonia confirmed overwhelming support for full independence. Gorbachev, after attempting to repress the republics, reverted to seeking a modus vivendi with them.
Mounting Pressure on Gorbachev
Gorbachev faced attacks from both sides. His reluctance to crush the Baltic republics alienated his military allies, while his former supporters no longer trusted him. Yeltsin publicly denounced Gorbachev's 'lies and deceptions' and called for his resignation. The Baltic example was being taken up in other republics.
Soviet Republics
The new politics of the Baltic republics reflected a genuine national renaissance. Moves towards 'sovereignty' in other republics were a mixture of national feeling and nomenklatura self-preservation. There was a growing sense of fear and a dawning awareness among Soviet managers that valuable public assets would be up for grabs if the center fell apart.
The Case of Ukraine
By far the most important of the would-be 'sovereign' republics now asserting their distinctive claims was Ukraine. Like the Baltic republics, Ukraine had a history of independence. In the eyes of many Russian nationalists, Kievan 'Rus'—the thirteenth-century kingdom based on the Ukrainian capital and reaching from the Carpathians to the Volga—was integral to the core identity of the empire.
Material Resources
Ukraine was a mainstay of the Soviet economy, controlling Russia's access routes to the Black Sea and central Europe. With just percent of the land area of the USSR, it was home to percent of its population and generated nearly percent of the country's Gross National Product, second only to Russia itself. In the last years of the Soviet Union, Ukraine contained percent of the country's coal reserves and a majority share of the country's titanium. Its rich soil was responsible for over percent of Soviet agricultural output by value.
Soviet Leadership
The disproportionate importance of Ukraine in Russian and Soviet history influenced the Soviet leadership itself. Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev were Russians from eastern Ukraine. However, Ukraine was often treated as an internal colony, with its resources exploited and its people under close surveillance.
Population Exchanges
Following World War Two, the Ukrainian Socialist Republic was enlarged by the annexation of eastern Galicia and western Volhynia from Poland. Population exchanges and the wartime extermination of much of the local Jewish community led to a region that was relatively homogenous, with Ukraine being percent Ukrainian.
Ukrainian Nationalism
The Soviet constitution ascribed national identities to residents of its republics, leading to self-fulfilling consequences. With the growing number of urban-dwelling Ukrainian-speakers, Ukrainian-language media, and a political elite identifying with self-consciously 'Ukrainian' interests, Ukrainian nationalism emerged.
RUKH
A non-Party movement—RUKH (the 'People's Movement for Perestroika')—was founded in Kiev in November 1988, the first autonomous Ukrainian political organization for many decades. While securing considerable support, it did not reflect any groundswell of national sentiment. In elections to the Ukrainian Supreme Soviet in March 1990, the Communists secured a clear majority; RUKH won less than a quarter of the seats.
Ukrainian Sovereignty
The Communists in the Ukrainian Soviet voted, on July 16, 1990, to declare Ukrainian 'sovereignty' and asserted the republic's right to possess its own military and the primacy of its own laws. Under Leonid Kravchuk, Ukrainians took part in a March 1991 all-Union referendum and indicated their support for a federal system. In Western Ukraine, voters favored outright independence over intra-federal sovereignty, with 88 percent voting yes.
Byelorussia
Byelorussia ('Belarus'), to the north of Ukraine, lacked a comparable national identity or traditions. After World War Two, with the annexation of parts of eastern Poland, the Belorussian Soviet Socialist Republic contained a significant minority of Russians, Poles, and Ukrainians. The Belarusan National Republic of 1918 never secured external recognition, and many citizens felt closer allegiance to Russia, Poland, or Lithuania.
Adradzhenne
In Belarus, Adradzhenne ('Rebirth'), an organization based in Minsk, emerged in 1989 and echoed the Ukrainian RUKH. In Soviet elections of 1990, the Communists were returned with a clear majority, and when the Ukrainian Soviet declared itself 'sovereign' in July 1990, Belarus followed suit two weeks later.
Moldavia
Soviet Moldavia, squeezed between Ukraine and Romania, had a population that was predominantly Moldavian, but with large Russian and Ukrainian minorities. National identity was uncertain, with citizens divided between those who spoke Russian and identified as Soviet citizens and those who sought increased autonomy based on the Romanian connection.
Popular Front Movement
When a 'Popular Front' movement emerged in 1989, its primary objective was that Romanian become the official language of the republic. Following the 1990 elections, the new government changed the name of the republic and declared itself sovereign.
Transnistria
These moves led to anxiety among Russian-speakers, and the Communist leadership in Tiraspol, in eastern Moldova, declared a Transnistrian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Transnistrian 'independence' was underwritten by the presence of the Soviet XIVth Army.
The Caucasus
In the Caucasus, antagonisms between Armenians and Azeris, complicated by the presence of an Armenian minority in Nagorno-Karabakh, resulted in violent clashes in 1988, with further clashes in Baku in 1989.
Georgia
In Georgia, twenty demonstrators were shot during clashes in Tbilisi in April 1989, as tensions rose between those demanding secession and authorities committed to preserving the Union. Local authorities redefined themselves as national independence movements, and regional Party leaders positioned themselves to seize power when it fell into the street.
Russia
By the spring of 1991, everyone was waiting to see what would happen in Russia. In a sense, the country of 'Russia' did not exist; it had always been an empire. During and after the Great Patriotic War, Soviet authorities played the Russian card, exalting the 'victory of the Russian people.' However, the Russian people had never been assigned 'nationhood' by Soviet parlance and in the same way as other subjected republics.
The Setting for the Emergence of Boris Yeltsin
By this time, there was a marked increase in the emphasis on 'Russianness', for some of the same reasons that the East German state had begun to take public pride in properly german qualities. Yeltsin rose through the ranks of the Party until he was summarily demoted in 1987 for criticizing senior colleagues. Yeltsin had the political instinct to re-programme himself as a distinctively Russian politician and emerged as a deputy for the Russian Federation after the March 1990 elections. He then became Chairman of the Russian Supreme Soviet.
Boris Yeltsin and His Stance
It would be from this perch, that Boris Yeltsin became the country's leading reformist. Yeltsin was now the Country's leading reformist. Yeltsin ostentatiously quit the Communist Party in July 1990 and taking aim at comrades from across Moscow. Yeltsin Major target was now Gorbachev despite earlier helping him. Soviet's Leader's falling were becoming apparent and his popularity now falling.
Gorbachev major mistake domestically what to elect A natural legislation were there was a great ability to express dissent- with the support of Yeltsin. It grew quick were it was supporting other nations of the republic. It was too late before Gorbachev acted when the conservative party tried to reinstate itself.
In the April of 1991 Gorbachev concessed the right of republics to a new constitution. His conservative party had lost faith. Meantime on June 12th 1991 Yeltsin had long since overtook Gorbachev in national polls and been elected as President of the Russian Soviet Republic.
In the following months of July- the scales had reached its end following the election of Yeltsin. The Party conservatives becoming desperate and a group of high ranking officials including the Prime Minister,