readings the 9th HIST

Introduction and purpose

Cree Intellectual Traditions in History begins with a reflection on expert witness testimony in federal court and the broader challenge it reveals: courts are often ill-prepared to deal with Indigenous ways of knowing, particularly oral histories told by Old People. The author notes that courts frequently defer to expert witnesses to interpret what Indigenous elders share, highlighting real-life implications for Indigenous communities when oral histories are treated outside their own contexts. The pursuit of Indigenous oral history is valuable because it yields deep insights into cultural values and laws that guide community knowledge and practice. Elders are described as more than repositories of facts; they are human beings and teachers whose presence is essential as the number of Elders declines. Preserving their teachings—within their own contexts and to remember them as best as possible—becomes increasingly important as time passes.

Purpose and approach of the study

Historians are urged to go beyond data and to know their sources intimately, especially when working with Old People. The author emphasizes building reciprocal relationships rather than merely collecting information. The central aim of the paper is to contribute to the growing value of Indigenous oral history as both source and method in scholarly research. It seeks to widen the consideration of Indigenous knowledge beyond conventional academic frameworks and to explore how Indigenous oral histories are understood within their own cultural contexts. The author is candid about her own position: she does not claim to be an expert in Indigenous oral histories; by Cree standards she is a “fledgling” whose learning will take a lifetime. Her understanding comes from multiple intersecting sources: from nēhiyawak (Cree) and nēhiyawpwātak (Cree/Assiniboine) family and teachers, from other Indigenous communities, from academic teachers and post-/anti-colonial scholars, and from First Nations and Métis literary scholars who have written in the oral tradition for a long time. The reader is asked to listen to the words and contemplate the teachings as shared.

Key terms: who is an Elder and how they are defined

A central distinction is drawn between kisêyiniw, “an Elder,” and kéhté-ayak, “Old People.” Kisêyiniwak are distinguished by their demonstrated generosity, skills, and wisdom, and the term kisêyiniw derives from kiséwew, roughly translated as “protector.” An analogy offered by the late Alex Bonais from Little Pine First Nation describes a kisêyiniw as a duck that beats the ground with its wing to distract a predator and give its young time to run and hide. To Cree speakers, this image captures the idea that a true Elder encircles or hovers around their children or grandchildren to protect them. The terms kisêyiniw and kisêwew are closely related to kisêwatisiwin, which means “kindness, compassion, empathy.”

Stan Cuthand and the make-up of Cree oral history

Stan Cuthand, a Cree from Little Pine, represents the first generation to receive high school and university education and to follow an Anglican ministry. He is remembered as a teacher who valued oratory and storytelling. He recalls several notable storytellers who traveled to Little Pine and shared stories that formed a core part of Cree oral tradition:

• Sakamôtâ-inew (son of Poundmaker): lived at Poundmaker but visited Little Pine; known for telling “miscellaneous” Wisahkecāhk stories about early times before Treaty; his stories often included feasts, gifts, or battles, and he would sometimes forget details, prompting others to help.

• Night Traveler: a Plains Cree storyteller who specialized in Treaties and who spoke of the treaty promises, such as the Queen’s assurance that Cree would be looked after and fed when hungry.

• Josie Cuthand (son of Sailing Horse): carried many handed-down stories from his father who lived with Old People and had experiences from Montana after the 1885 Rebellion; his repertoire included stories from his father’s life.

• Alex Bonais’ father: known for humorous life experiences, including the Fort Battleford surrender of 1885 and the confiscation of rifles; humorous anecdotes such as a breech cloth hanging on a tree during the retreat.

• George Atimoyoo: fond of horses; specialization in horse racing stories.

• Cikinásis: war stories about Cree societies and Blackfoot conflicts; noted for entertaining but sometimes “dirty” stories that women did not like, though men enjoyed.

• Fine Day (Kamiokisihkwew): known for great war stories; later, Matciskinik emerged as a powerful storyteller with oratorical skill.

• Matciskinik: told an átayóhkewin, a sacred story about mistasini, the sacred rock buried under water during the Gardiner Dam construction, where the four winds influenced the narrative and a young man rolled four directions to become a buffalo.

• Saskoweetoon: a “drooling-face man” who was healed by the sage smudging of a beautiful woman.
  Stan notes that not all storytellers could command attention; some told stories with great structure, others wandered or retraced steps. A key observation is that storytelling in Cree culture blends social interaction with knowledge transmission; oral tradition thrives on its live, communal aspect rather than on solitary documentation.

The paradox and fragility of memorized Indigenous history

Peter Nabokov’s idea that memorized history, spoken and heard, preserves intimacy and locality across deep time but remains one generation away from extinction captures a core tension: oral history relies on living witnesses to endure, resisting passive archival recording. The fear that oral traditions will be lost in a modern era of literacy, cyberspace, and media is real. In the 1960s and 1970s, Elders were interviewed to preserve teachings before they disappeared. While many were hesitant or worried about recording sacred songs and ceremonial information, most agreed it could help retain teachings for future generations. For example, Jim Kâ-Nîpitêhtêw expressed gratitude that his knowledge of the Treaty No. 6 Pipe Stem was being recorded so that relatives could learn by hearing about it, and to remind each other in the future. Alex Bonais likewise allowed his stories and songs to be recorded, fearing that without recording they would be lost.

The primary tool of Cree Elders: memory and transmission practices

The author emphasizes that the primary tool of Cree Elders’ trade is memory. Nora Thomas (187?–1982), a Kohkom (grandmother) from Peepeepeekisis Cree First Nation, is introduced through the author’s family memories. Kohkom Nora could recount E. Pauline Johnson’s recital of The Corn Husker with remarkable precision after hearing it more than sixty years earlier, demonstrating the durability and fidelity of memory across generations. This memory is recognized as a social-educative force: elders memorize and transmit not only stories but also the cultural repertoire that gives life to those stories. The Plains Cree memory tradition is described as rigorous: memory is nurtured and disciplined from early childhood, especially in non-literate societies where there is no written record. The Plains Cree and other Indigenous non-literate communities rely on memory to preserve sacred promises, treaties, and histories, with memory being reinforced by mnemonic devices (pipe ceremonies, marker sticks, artistic depictions on clothing or land features) and by the land itself, which functions as a mnemonic landscape.

The land, mnemonic devices, and the power of words

Among Cree, mnemonic devices anchor memory: the Treaty No. 6 pipe stem and the ten marker sticks representing treaty promises function as physical aids. Other mnemonic devices include depictions on tipi coverings, clothing, drums, and rock outcrops; natural phenomena and landforms, including trenches, wagon tracks, and even old abandoned cars, carry embedded stories. The land itself nudges memory when Elders go out on the land. In Cree cosmology, the spoken word is sacrosanct: the Creator gave people speech and memory to safeguard laws, lessons, and histories for future generations. While some peoples have shifted toward writing, Cree traditions maintain a belief in nêhiyawîhcikêwin—oral traditions that hold that words have power to heal, protect, and counsel, but can also harm. When Elders accept tobacco and share the pipe, they are bearing witness to truth. The pipe, used in Treaty negotiations, is tied to the concept of pástáhowin (transgression or breach of natural order) and conveys that vows made to the Creator through the pipe are irrevocable and inviolable. The pipe’s sacred authority stands in contrast to the Bible used by Treaty commissioners, which Cree interprets as another form of solemn promise that must also be honored. The Cree see any lie on the pipe or in treaty negotiations as a grave offense against natural and sacred law.

Truth, trust, and the role of Old Men

Edward Ahenakew notes that Old Men served as historians and legal advisors, having lived through many experiences and burnished their youthful fires. Old Men must not lie; there would always be others who could contradict them. Their veracity, combined with sharp powers of observation, makes them authentic repositories of their people’s annals. This high standard underpins the Cree concept of truth (tâpwêwin) and trust as foundational for human relationships. The text also presents a glimpse of how Cree education could balance Cree knowledge, values, and language with Western skills, illustrated by discussions with Smith Atimoyoo (Plains Cree, Little Pine). Uncle Smith recounts how Old People had laws for everything, and Wísahkécáhk (the Trickster who is also a teacher) would tell lies in stories to transform deception into valuable teaching. He notes that historically the community would not directly accuse a storyteller of lying; listeners might say “ékiyastat” (I don’t believe it) or “ki-tapwewin” (that is your truth) but not flatly call the teller a liar. Smith also reflects on how contemporary times distort truth, versus the past where belief in the supernatural and dreams remained a living part of life. Nimôsom Willie Bear’s father is cited as an example of supernatural power and belief—an instance illustrating how Cree worlds once integrated the supernatural into everyday life. The passage emphasizes that modern times have changed concepts of truth and lies, threatening Cree epistemology and memory.

The “traditional footnote” approach and the Battle of Cutknife Hill

Cree historians often weave context and provenance into their narratives, employing what is described as a “traditional footnote” approach: the teller includes side details that establish the original source, the teller’s relationship to the incident, how they learned it, and the relevant time referents. Jim Tootoosis’ Battle of Cutknife Hill exemplifies this approach, as he spends as much time narrating the stories behind the story as he does on the core event itself. He explains the connection to Wind Walker (Pimohteyawiw), a great-grandfather’s brother, who provides the link to the story across generations. The tale also contains a Blackfoot survivor who hid in a water-filled cave and later reveals his identity, enriching the narrative with cross-cultural memory. These practices illustrate how Indigenous oral histories construct a robust, multi-layered account that includes provenance, time, and relational context.

Reconstructing and applying Indigenous knowledge

Finding a place for Indigenous knowledge systems within academic inquiry requires stepping outside the comfort zone of Western frameworks. The author argues that we must learn from Elders in their own contexts, understand their tools, and apply their teachings rather than merely cataloging them as objects of study. The goal is to create a space not only for other ways of knowing but also to implement the teachings that guide learning, preservation, and transmission of Indigenous knowledge. If scholars fail to step out of their comfort zones, they risk contributing to the obliteration of Indigenous worlds. The concluding admonition, echoing Uncle Smith, is that failure to engage with Indigenous epistemologies may lead to researchers and communities alike toward “becoming nothing.”

References and contextual notes (paraphrased from endnotes)

• The discussion aligns with Winona Wheeler’s reflections on social relations of Indigenous oral history and the broader project of integrating Indigenous oral traditions into historical research. The work draws on recordings and interviews conducted by Wilfred Tootoosis and later transcribed by Tyrone Tootoosis, among others. The Cree orthography varies across sources, reflecting different transcription conventions. The paper also cites foundational thinkers, including Peter Nabokov on the fragility of memorized history and Marc Bloch on transmission of memory through generations. The narrative integrates examples from the Treaties (especially Treaty No. 6), pipe ceremonies, and mnemonic devices as critical supports for memory and historical transmission.

• The ending passages emphasize ethical considerations: the responsibility of scholars to honor and preserve Indigenous knowledge, to avoid the erasure of Indigenous epistemologies, and to actively apply the teachings in ways that support living communities.

Closing reflections

Ultimately, the text argues that Indigenous oral history is a dynamic, living practice embedded in social relations, memory, ceremony, and landscape. It requires researchers to recognize the authority of Elders, to respect Indigenous frameworks of truth and memory, and to work toward integrating these “other ways of knowing” into historical understanding in ways that can sustain Indigenous communities and their future generations.