Untitled
Abstract
Qualitative study exploring gender inequality and girls' secondary school attendance in Nepal, focusing on patriarchal socio-cultural practices.
Theoretical lenses: self-identity, social stigma, intersectionality, and anti-oppressive practice with an empowerment focus.
Data from girls, parents, teachers, NGO key persons; supplemented by dropout records and reports.
Main finding: girls’ dropout is a complex phenomenon arising from interplay of structural, cultural, religious, social, and economic factors; gender inequality is central, intertwined with caste, class, and poverty.
Interventions suggested: multi-level and multi-actor approaches, sustained NGO/government support, and further research to inform policy and practice.
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Nepalese Culture and Society
Nepal is multi-ethnic and multi-cultural; bordered by China (north) and India (south).
Population around 23 million; HDI rank roughly 144/182; GDI rank 119.
Ecologically divided into Terai (south) ~23%, Hills ~42%, High Mountains ~35%; 5 development regions, 14 zones, 75 districts.
~85% rural; main occupation agriculture.
Secular state with a Hindu majority; minorities: Buddhists, Muslims, Christians.
Political instability and strikes affect education; constitution drafted post-2006 civil conflict; ongoing reform.
Large reliance on foreign donors; weak social security for single women; family provides economic/social security.
Caste system remains influential: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, Sudras (Dalit) with hereditary sub-castes; high-caste dominance in land/wealth; limited access for Dalits.
Language: Nepali official; ~92 languages; Hindi/Indo-Aryan vs. Tibeto-Burman groups.
Son preference is strong; early marriage is common, especially in rural areas; dowry persists; gendered norms constrain women’s mobility and education.
Legal framework prohibits discrimination but social practice lags; violence against women (GBV) prevalent and underreported.
Women’s mobility and education constrained by tradition; women’s social/economic security tied to marriage and men’s authority.
. A study on gender differences in education in Nepal reveals that more than half of the girls experience gender inequality both at home and at school (Bhusal, 2011)
Marriage as socio-cultural contract; daughters traditionally move into husband’s family; inheritance typically favors sons.
Women’s lack of equal access to property compounds economic dependence and educational decisions for daughters.
UNICEF/IRIN/UNDP data highlight early marriage rates, poverty, and gender disparities in literacy and education.
Notable quotes illustrating gender norms, e.g., “our culture allows a boy to perform all religious rituals but not to a girl.”
Education is valued but often viewed as more beneficial for boys; girls’ education is seen as primarily a means to prepare for marriage and household roles.
Overall, gender discrimination is pervasive across home, school, and community contexts, reinforced by caste and religious norms.
1.2 Education System in Nepal
Formal education spans years: primary (5 years), lower secondary, secondary, and higher secondary.
Primary education expanded since 1951; free primary education introduced in 1975; urban bias in early years; infrastructure and access remain unequal.
SLC (School Leaving Certificate) exam historically end of upper secondary; 10+2 reform plans to create regional 10th-grade exams; HSEB to oversee national 10+2.
Private schools common; English-medium instruction common; private schools vary in quality.
Government budget allocation: primary education receives a large share (≈55 ext{%} of MOE budget historically).
Literacy improvements: from about 49.6% in 1990 to ~70% in 2000; NLSS-III (2010-11) adult literacy ~56.6% overall, female ~44.5% with a Gender Parity Index (GPI) ~0.62; rural-urban disparities persist.
Challenges: political instability, access in Terai regions, gender gaps in literacy and enrollment, high dropout/repetition, and quality concerns.
Governance: MOE, HSEB, five regional directorates, 75 DEOs; NCED for teacher training; mix of public/private/community schools; quality and access uneven across regions.
1.3 General Picture of Gender Discriminatory Practices in Nepal
Gender discrimination seen as a global and local issue; violence against women common and underreported; patriarchy shapes life from birth.
Legislation exists but enforcement weak; dowry, son preference, early marriage, and domestic/public violence persist.
Women’s citizenship, inheritance, and political representation remain limited; social norms restrict mobility and autonomy.
The author emphasizes that gender discrimination intersects with caste, class, ethnicity, and religion, producing layered disadvantages for girls.
The study aims to illuminate girls’ experiences and perceptions and to propose interventions.
1.4 Motivation of the Study
Growing global attention to girls’ education does not translate into substantial gains in Nepal.
The study seeks to understand why many girls do not complete secondary education by examining girls’ experiences and the views of parents, teachers, and key NGO actors.
Aspires to contribute to social work, policy, and practice by highlighting gendered barriers and potential interventions.
1.5 Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
Purpose: explore girls’ experiences and perceptions of school discontinuation from a gender perspective; identify factors leading to dropout; discuss social work implications and interventions.
Key question: How does gender influence the girls’ dropout from secondary school in a Nepalese context?
Supplementary questions cover girls’ experiences, perceived gender effects, major factors, post-leaving activities, and potential strategies to reduce dropout.
1.6 Organization of the Study
Seven chapters: Introduction; Literature Review; Theoretical Framework; Methodology; Empirical Findings (Ch.5); Girls’ Self-Understanding (Ch.6); Concluding Remarks (Ch.7).
Annexes include informed consent (Annex-A), Interview Guides (Annex-B), Recommendations (Annex-C), and a map (Annex-D).
Chapter 2: Review of Related Literature
2.1 Studies on Gender Differences in School Attendance
Noted scarcity of Nepal-specific qualitative studies on girls’ dropout experiences; most prior work is quantitative, focusing on dropout rates and general causes.
Key cited works: Acharya et al. (2007) on gender equality and women’s empowerment; Sharma et al. (2007) on patriarchal culture; Oxaal (1997) on poverty and gendered culture; Hunt (2008) on poverty and schooling; Kamal/IRIN (2010) on girls’ dropout rates; Levine (2007) ethnographic in Kathmandu Valley.
Common findings across studies: gender discrimination in education, rural-urban gaps, early marriage, poverty, and cultural norms limiting girls’ schooling; low female literacy and educational attainment compared to males; harassment and lack of girl-friendly school environments; role of family attitudes and socio-economic constraints.
Some studies note that private/supplementary education or NGO support can influence girls’ schooling, while discontinuation of external funding often leads to dropout.
The literature emphasizes intersectionality: gender interacts with caste, class, ethnicity, and geography to shape educational outcomes.
Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework
3.1 Theories on Self-Identity: Conceptual Framework
Core idea: identity is socially constructed through interaction; self-identity emerges from social relations and is shaped by gender, caste, class, religion.
The framework draws on:
Goffman’s concept of self-presentation and stigma interplay;
Blumer’s Symbolic Interactionism (1959/1969) on how individuals create meaning through symbols and social interaction;
Berger & Luckmann’s Social Construction of Reality (1966) on how social reality and identity are co-created.
Purpose: examine how girls pull out of school construct their self-identity, and how gender norms shape pathways to dropout.
3.1.1 Symbolic Interactionism
Focus on subjective meanings and everyday interactions; individuals present a self that others validate or challenge; meaning is constructed through social interaction.
In this study: how girls interpret themselves, their school experience, and their future in the context of patriarchal Nepalese society.
3.1.2 Social Selves and the Social Construction of Reality
Brukitt (2008) and Berger & Luckmann (1966) emphasize that the self is formed in social relations; gendered roles position girls as subordinate to boys.
Constructs of “me” as material, social, and spiritual aspects, with gender shaping access to education and opportunities.
The study uses these ideas to explain how girls’ self-concepts are negotiated in family and school contexts.
3.2 Stigma
Stigma, per Goffman (1963) and Link & Phelan (2001), involves labeling, negative stereotypes, separation, status loss, and discrimination tied to power dynamics.
Five components of stigma: labeling differences; linking to negative stereotypes; us/them separation; status loss; power-based stigmatization.
In Nepalese context: girls who drop out may experience stigma (e.g., perceived as less valuable, sexually talked about, or morally tainted), influencing their self-identity and future opportunities.
3.3 Intersectionality
Crenshaw (1989) and Collins (1990) raised the idea of multiple, intersecting axes of inequality (race, gender, class, caste, religion).
The study applies intersectionality to understand how caste, class, gender, and religion combine to shape girls’ education experiences in Nepal.
McCall (2005) offers three analytical approaches to intersectionality: anti-categorical, inter-categorical, and intra-categorical, to analyze complexity of overlapping identities and power structures.
The author uses intersectionality to argue that gender cannot be explained in isolation from caste, class, and religion.
3.4 Anti-Oppressive Approach
Anti-oppressive social work emphasizes tackling multiple forms of oppression and empowering clients; context-sensitive and client-centered practice.
Empowerment theory (Gutierrez, De Loïs & Clenemaye, 1995; Kabeer, 2005) defines empowerment as increasing capacity to make choices and participate in shaping one's life; reducing oppression and power imbalances.
The study grounds its analysis in anti-oppressive practice to interpret girls’ experiences and envision strategies for empowerment and social change.
Summary: empowerment is central to addressing gender inequality and improving girls’ education outcomes.
3.4.1 Empowerment Theory
Empowerment involves building personal, interpersonal, and political power; capacity-building, knowledge, voice, and opportunities.
The study frames interventions (NGO/government/parents/schools) as enabling girls to exercise greater agency and reduce oppressive structures.
Chapter 4: Research Methodology
4.1 Introduction
Qualitative, interpretive approach to capture girls’ experiences and perceptions in depth.
Qualitative methods chosen to access nuanced meanings and contextual factors that quantitative methods may miss.
4.2 Study Design
Qualitative standardized in-depth interviews; triangulation with dropout records and NGO reports.
Site: Nawalparasi district, central Nepal; chosen for personal familiarity and field relevance.
4.2.1 Site selection
Nawalparasi selected due to field relevance and accessibility; fieldwork conducted in local schools, VDC, DEO, and NGO settings.
4.2.2 Selection of informants
Purposive sampling: 12 informants total: 6 girls (16-19) who dropped out; 2 parents; 2 secondary teachers (social studies); 2 NGO key persons.
Diverse representation in caste (Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya) and predominantly Hindu; focus on Terai region with one hill-case.
4.3 Process of Data Collection
In-depth interviews conducted with consent; interviews lasted 1-2 hours; field notes and audio recordings used; translation/transcription to English.
Cross-questioning and multiple versions of questions used to test reliability (Kvale 1996).
Some interviews conducted in participants’ mother tongue (Tharu) to improve comfort.
4.3.1 In-depth Interview: The Method
Rationale: deep exploration of subjective experiences, emotions, and perspectives; acknowledges that interviews reveal rich data beyond fixed-question surveys.
4.3.2 A Brief Presentation of the Respondents and Representatives
Respondents from Terai region; cast: Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya; religion: Hindu majority.
Cases described in Annex: Case 1–6 (girls’ dropout narratives), plus parents, teachers, NGO staff.
4.4 Ethical Issues
Adherence to ethical guidelines, voluntary informed consent, confidentiality, anonymity via pseudonyms, and data handling in line with Norwegian ethics; written approvals and door-keeper consent obtained.
4.5 My Role as a Researcher
The researcher’s field experience as a teacher and social worker shapes questions and rapport; her own gender, class, and caste position influence data collection and interpretation; acknowledges potential bias but emphasizes trust with respondents.
4.6 Validity and Reliability of the Study
Validity/reliability discussed as inherent in qualitative research; the researcher is the primary instrument; consistency across interviews ensured via flexible interviewing while maintaining core themes; acknowledges non-reproducibility across researchers but aims for credible, trustworthy findings.
4.7 Scope, Delimitation and Limitation of the Study
Scope limited to one district (Nawalparasi) and three public schools; two perspectives (family and school) and NGO context; findings may not generalize to all of Nepal but illuminate mechanisms likely present elsewhere.
4.8 Data Analysis
Data translated/transcribed; analyzed using grounded theory with iterative coding and constant comparison; themes organized around gender differences in education, experiences of dropout, and self-understanding; integration with theoretical framework.
Chapter 5: How Gender Determines Girls’ Secondary School Attendance in Nepal
5.1 Factors Related to the Family
5.1.1 Sons Are Staying and Daughters Are Marrying Out
Sons are culturally privileged; families prioritize sons for inheritance, religious duties, and old-age security; daughters become part of husband's family after marriage.
Quote: one girl: “Our culture allows a boy to perform all religious rituals but not to a girl.”
Family size and resource allocation favor sons; daughters' access to schooling is curtailed.
5.1.2 Parents’ Attitudes
Illiteracy and poverty correlate with negative attitudes toward girls’ education; some parents view daughters’ education as low return on investment because daughters will marry and join another family.
Parents encourage housework and early marriage; some praise basic literacy but resist further schooling for daughters.
Quotes from parents illustrate prioritizing sons and viewing daughters as future wives.
5.1.3 Early Marriage
Early marriage common across castes; parents arrange marriages to secure social/economic security; marriage often precedes completion of secondary education.
Reasons include dowry, fear of losing daughter’s value, safety concerns, and social prestige; UNICEF (2011) reports that 51% of Nepalese girls marry as children.
Early marriage linked to teenage pregnancy, reduced educational attainment, and constricted life opportunities.
5.1.4 Factors Related to the Economy
Poverty shapes schooling decisions: costs of schooling, opportunity costs of girls’ labor at home, and perceived poor return on investment.
NGO support can temporarily offset costs and encourage continued schooling; when NGO support ends, dropout often increases.
Some families prioritize sons due to the expectation of future economic support and labor participation; girls’ education viewed as less economically valuable.
5.1.5 Property Transference
Parental property and inheritance favor sons; daughters have limited or no rights to parental property and may gain husband’s property after marriage.
This power dynamic reinforces gender inequality and reduces girls’ incentives to stay in school.
5.1.6 Organization of the Household
Household chores and care for younger siblings compete with schooling; agricultural cycles (planting/harvest) disrupt attendance.
Girls bear disproportionate domestic responsibilities; teachers note that absent family duties correlate with dropout.
Case vignettes illustrate how family expectations limit girls’ study time and motivation.
5.1.7 Economic Support from NGOs
NGOs (e.g., HICODEF) provide scholarships and study materials; home visits and parental awareness programs support girls’ education.
When NGO support ends, dropout rates rise, suggesting NGO funding as a key protective factor against dropout.
5.1.8 Role of NGOs
There are many NGOs in Nepal; local NGOs play a crucial role in keeping girls in school via scholarships, materials, awareness, and non-formal education.
NGO staff describe the importance of ongoing support and training for teachers and communities.
5.1.9 Gender Inequality in the Debate Between Education and Poverty
The intersection of gender and poverty exacerbates dropout; some cases show that even middle/high-income families pull daughters out due to patriarchal norms.
Some teachers argue for more government support and better employment opportunities for girls; others note that gender discrimination is central, with poverty acting as a multiplier rather than a sole cause.
5.2 Factors Related to the School
5.2.1 The Material Aspect of the School: Location and Building
Distance and safety concerns: risk of rape/harassment on the way to school; long distances without safe transport deter attendance.
School infrastructure issues: leaking roofs, lack of doors, sanitation facilities (toilets, sanitary pads) hinder attendance and learning, particularly for menstruating girls.
Parental fears about safety contribute to keeping girls at home.
5.2.2 Teachers’ Behavior
Reports of harassment by male teachers toward girls; girls feel unsafe and humiliated; menstruation increases vulnerability; harassment contributes to dropout.
Positive note: teacher support and respectful behavior can encourage continued attendance.
5.2.3 Lack of Female Teacher
At the secondary level, female teachers are scarce; parents prefer female teachers to discuss sensitive issues (menstruation, puberty).
The absence of female teachers is linked to greater dropout risk and reduced comfort in staying in school.
5.2.4 Failure in School Exams: A Gateway to Dropout
Poor performance due to heavy household workload or lack of study time leads to exams failure; fear of repeated failure demotivates students and triggers dropout.
5.2.5 Problems of the Female Body
Menstruation and related stigma affect attendance; lack of sanitary facilities and toilets; social stigma from peers; absence of female facilities at school exacerbates dropout risk.
5.3 Discussion
The findings indicate that dropout results from a confluence of family and school factors operating at multiple levels (cultural, economic, social, and political).
Gendered power dynamics (patriarchy) intersect with caste, class, and religion, creating barriers to sustained schooling.
NGO support and improved school facilities can mitigate dropout, but systemic cultural change is required for sustained improvements.
Chapter 6: The Girls’ Understanding of Their Situation
6.1 Understanding the Self
Self-identity among dropouts is shaped by patriarchal context, gendered expectations, and social interactions within family and school.
Some girls express a desire to be independent and to pursue education, while recognizing constraints imposed by gender norms.
Symbolic interaction and social construction theories explain how girls’ self-perception is formed; many girls internalize subordination and compare themselves to boys.
Examples: Gita (case 2) feels restricted by gender; Manmaya (case 4) feels she will always be seen as someone’s daughter or wife.
The process of defining self is influenced by family, school, and community reactions; stigma and power dynamics shape self-image.
6.2 Importance for the Girls to Complete Secondary Education
Despite dropout, most girls express interest in completing secondary education, recognizing its value for personal development, employment, and independence.
Teachers acknowledge that completing secondary education is linked to family and community change; the saying that education for a girl benefits the whole family is noted, but practical barriers persist.
Gita (case 2) articulates how higher education could change her life and perceptions of her future.
6.3 The Power of Gender
Power relations (patriarchy) shape girls’ opportunities; the male gender is associated with authority, property ownership, and decision-making.
Girls experience lower power in education and life choices; social, cultural, religious, and economic powers intersect to constrain agency.
The notion of power is linked to social class and caste; higher-caste status often aligns with greater access and control over resources.
Some girls articulate desire to challenge gender norms; others accept subordination as the norm.
6.4 The Girls’ Life after Leaving School
After dropout, many girls face risks such as early marriage, trafficking, prostitution, domestic labor, and sex work; some pursue skill training (e.g., sewing) but with limited prospects.
The experiences highlight a cycle where dropout increases vulnerability to exploitation and violence.
Some girls manage to engage in skill-building or return to education with NGO support; for others, the prospects remain bleak.
6.5 No Plans, No Dreams: The Uncertain Future
Many girls report bleak futures due to lack of education and empowerment; some hope for basic skills or marriage-based security, while others fear stigma and lack of opportunity.
Self-identity remains constrained; some girls imagine a future with some opportunity if education is completed or if empowerment efforts succeed.
6.6 Discussion
The chapter ties girls’ self-understanding to broader structural issues, showing how stigma and lack of power shape aspirations and perceived life paths.
Education is a pathway to empowerment, but persistent gender oppression and societal norms limit the realization of potential.
Chapter 7: Concluding Remarks
The study concludes that dropout is a complex, multi-level problem driven by interconnected structural, cultural, religious, social, and economic factors, with gender inequality as the central constraint.
It emphasizes the need for a multi-stakeholder response (family, school, NGOs, government) to address the push/pull factors of dropout.
Interventions must tackle patriarchal norms, provide safe school environments, improve sanitation and female representation among teachers, and sustain NGO/government support to maintain progress.
The author calls for further research on girls’ experiences to inform more effective policies and programs.
Annexes (Overview)
Annex A: Informed Consent to informants (ethical procedures and participant rights).
Annex B: Interview guides for four groups: I) Girls (15-19), II) Teachers, III) Parents, IV) NGO Key Persons; includes questions on dropout experiences, gender factors, empowerment, and intervention.
Annex C: Recommendations to Parents, Schools, NGOs/INGOs, and Government; focuses on equality in education, school facilities, female teachers, anti-harassment training, reproductive/sex education, non-formal education, and policy changes toward gender equity.
Annex D: Map showing informants’ districts.
Numerical and Statistical References (selected)
Formal education span: years (primary to higher secondary).
Primary education duration: years.
SLC to be replaced by regional class-10 examination under 10+2 reform; HSEB to organize national 10+2.
Literacy rates over time (census data):
Male literacy: across years 1952/54, 1961, 1971, 1981, 1991, 2001 respectively.
Female literacy: across the same years.
Total literacy: .
UNESCO Institute for Statistics: in 2005, adult literacy rate in Nepal ~63 ext{%} (15+ years).
NLSS-III (2010-11): adult literacy rate ~56.6 ext{%}; female literacy ~44.5 ext{%}; GPI ~.
UNICEF (2011): 51 ext{%} of Nepalese girls marry before 18.
Private vs public schooling context: private schools generally higher costs but variable quality; public schools controlled by MOE/HSEB with central/local oversight.
Distribution and structure: five development regions, 75 districts, 75 district education offices, and regional directorates; NCED supports teacher training (34 centers).
Social work concepts: empowerment, anti-oppressive practice, intersectionality, symbolic interactionism, and stigma are used to interpret qualitative data and propose interventions.
These notes summarize the major and minor points from the transcript, organizing them into a structured, comprehensive study aid with explicit sections, key ideas, theoretical frameworks, methodologies, findings, and policy implications. They reflect the complexity of gender inequality and girls’ education in Nepal and the multifaceted strategies required to address dropout and empower girls to complete secondary education.