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Lijphart
Consensus (kinder, gentler, safer) vs Majoritarian (exclusive, competitive, adversarial) democracies
Measured on 10 variables divided into 2 dimensions
Executive parties (joint responsibility): concentration of executive power, executive-legislative relationships, party systems, electoral systems, and interest groups.
Federal-unitary (divided responsibility): centralisation of government, division of legislative power, constitutional rigidity, presence of judicial review, and central bank dependency.
2 dimensions are supported by factor analysis
Measurement of government performance via Worldwide Governance Indicators, Macroeconomic management, and control of violence
Results: Consensus democracies perform better under 16/17 measurements (9 of which are statistically significant)
CD have better women’s representation, less inequality, better environmental protections, more generous foreign aid, better voter turnout
Executive-parties dimension is more significantly correlated than federal-unitary
Starting a consensus democracy faces institutional and cultural resistance. A consensual political culture may also be required
Bogaards
Newer democracies have lower correlations between features
Further research across 100 countries and 70 indicators shows that consensus democracies are correlated with stronger performance
Extends research to new democracies, outside western europe, and at subnaitonal levels
Wide range of quantitative analysis: multivariate regression, bivariate, QCA
Consensus and majoritarian democracies are empirical polar types and normative ideal types
Positive traits of consensus democracies were mostly limited to the executive-parties dimension
Issue: consensus increases educational inequality between migrants and natives and has more extreme right-wing parties
Qvortrup
Terrorism response to Bogaards
Erodes soundness of Bogaard’s analysis due to overreliance on small N studies
Poloni-Staudinger
Measures environmental effectiveness with more variables across 23 advanced industrial countries
Lijphart used the Palmer Index which measures CO2 emissions, fertiliser consumption, and deforestation. Also used energy efficiency.
Factor analysis shows four factors that have mixed correlations with consensus democracies
(1) environmentalism (recycling, clean water, etc.), (2) environmental taxation, (3) conservation (land reserves), and (4) nuclear energy production.
Consensus democracies have a significant negative correlation with conservation
Likely due to the decentralised decision-making processes
Federal-unitary dimension of consensus democracies is strongly positively correlated with mundane environmentalism and conservation → federal systems play an important role in environmental policy.
Mundane environmentalism is the (only) strongest factor positively correlated with consensus democracies across both dimensions
Generally, aggregated preferences are believed to be funnelled through institutions to arrive at macro-level outcomes, BUT institutions can constrain possible outcomes → poorer than expected results from consensus democracies
Bogaards 2
Lijphart and Qvortup claim that fatal terrorist attacks are 6x more likely in majoritarian democracies
Recodes terrorism with full dataset
Lijphart uses fewer countries and a smaller timeframe
Shows that consensus democracies have more instances of terrorism
Manatschal and Bernauer
Executive parties leads to inclusion, federal unitary leads to exclusion of immigrants in consensus democracies
Methods: Bayesian regression with the migrant policy index (MIPEX)
Consensual executive parties and majoritarian federal unitary lead to the highest MIPEX scores
Not all immigrants can vote → interests cannot be accounted for
Migrants are not bound geographically → harder to represent
Russell
Interpretations of westminster model are confusing and unclear
Can refer to the british system, countries influenced by britain, or Lijphart’s majoritarian democracies
Only 30% of academic publications actually define the westminster model
Defined differently across publications
Tsebellis
Coalition governments produce significantly fewer laws due to greater number of veto players
Strohmeier
Westminster system has never represented the majoritarian ideal and has moved towards consensus overtime
It was strongly majoritarian between 1945 and 1996
Jonsson
Nordic countries are considered consensual democracies
Development of political culture based on consensus
Consensus democracy has 2 origins
(1) neo-corporatism and (2) heterogeneous European states
Iceland has a culture of aversion to military, respect for rule of law, and lots of labour market strife
Iceland has adversarial politics due to institutional arrangements/practices and cultural tradition of confrontation in political debates
Iceland uses filibuster most out of European parliaments
Main point: even though Iceland has had consensus institutions, its politics and history are adversarial and led to majoritarian democracy
Geissel and Michels
Direct democracy vs. public deliberation is a debate within democracies
Methods: bivariate analysis of direct democracy and public deliberation with consensus and majoriatrian democracies
Findings: public deliberation is equally common in consensus and majoritarian democracies
Lijphart 2
One typology of western democracies proposed by Almond differentiates by geography
Anglo-American, continental European, and scandinavian/low countries
Establishes a relation between political culture and social structure
Anglo-American democracies are stable and effective due to homogenous and secular political culture
European democracies are fragmented with many political subcultures. These cross-cutting cleavages force leaders of social groups to adopt moderate positions
Consociational democracy: government by elite cartel designed to turn a democracy with fragmented political luclture into a stable democracy
Distinct cleavage lines are like voluntary apartheid and are conductive to political stability